Note: Sample below may appear distorted but all corresponding word document files contain proper formattingExcerpt from Term Paper:
The relationship between corruption and democracy as a political institution has been at the core of studies and researches for political science since its beginnings. The development made in the filed of Political Science along the years has influenced the way scientists perceived and analyzed the corruption phenomenon. Charles H. Blake nad Stephen D. Morris have gathered under the all embracing title Corruption and Democracy in Latin America, the works of several political analysts who approached the topic enunciated in the title of the book through different methods: theoretical studies or the presentation of illustrative case studies.
The book contains two parts, the first being dedicated to essays on the "Causes and Impacts of Corruption in Latin America," while the second presents case studies that complete the undertakings in the first part, by treating particular cases in particular countries. The editors who sign the introduction and the conclusion, explain their vision on the outline of this book and briefly present a literature review on the subject.
Strom C. Thacker opens the first part of the book with an essay that tackles the evolution and outcome of democracy in relationship with corruption in Latin America from the point-of-view of a data analysis that seeks to place the region in the global context of evolution from the same point-of-view. The author combines the quantitative methodology with the statistical data available for each Latin American country supplied by the World Bank and different sets of variables containing economic indicators. The economic factors and the corruption ratings are considered into the historical context of a country's democracy age.
The conclusion of this study shows that in spite of the general perception that Latin American countries continue to suffer form the high levels of political corruption since the establishment of democratic regimes in most of the countries, they actually fit the global pattern. The levels of political corruption in Latin American countries are as much dependent of the age of their democracies and the economical reforms undertaken since the change in political institutions as they are for the rest of the globe. Thacker ends his study with the example of two of the most successful Latin American countries in the field of corruption control that are maybe not accidentally the countries with the longest democratic history in the region.
Alfred Rehren presents a different view on the outcome and the development of democratic states since the third wave of democratization had swept across Latin America in the 1980s. He combines data related to corruption perception from Transparency International for a period between 1980 and 2005 with transparency measures for electoral campaigns data supplied by Pinto-Duschinsky in 2002 and concludes that the corruption levels do not show indicators of diminishing in the medium and long-term, when tanking into account the available data. Rehren's position related to the future of the Latin American nations in terms of a sound political structure, free of corruption is pessimistic. He emphasizes the importance of an objective, free pres a an effective means of control in the field of corruption, although he points out that in the short run, better conditions for the freedom of the press, such as those in Uruguay, Costa Rica and Chile are not necessary followed by the modified perception of corruption levels in the political structures. He also concludes that the adoption of economic measures and changing such as neoliberal reforms have a downside, too, in recently democratized Latin American countries: they create "propitious grounds for corruption within national political elites" (Rehren, 2009, p.59) for foreign actors interested in economic activities in the respective countries.
The third essay of the first part, by John Bailey goes into a more detailed approach of the notion of corruption and corruption types and it follows its links to the ways democracy is affected. Weak public support for governments and government institution expressed in different ways leads to different types of power exercising from the latter.
Since the contemporary public understanding of the meanings of "democracy" and "corruption" are varying to a certain degree in Latin America, but are relatively similar to those of the American public, for example, Bailey underlines Michael Johnston's suggestion of the necessity to include "perception and opinion" (Bailey, 2009, p. 62) to the definition of the both of the two aforementioned terms. "Perceptions of what constitutes trivial vs. serious corruption vary over time and across groups and strata defined in different ways. These perceptions, in turn, influence attitudes related to regime legitimacy and individual behavior (e.g. voting, obeying the law, and the like)" (Bailey, 2009, p. 63).
The major theories that political scientists have used in their approaches of the topic corruption are: the principal agent-model, sustained among others by Johann Graff Lambsdorff and the principle of the rational choice, forwarded by Johnston. Both Johnston in his book Syndromes of Corruption: wealth, power and democracy and the authors who contributed to the book Corruption and Democracy in Latin America point out the fact that the topic of corruption is a relatively new subject of interest for Political Science as well as for international organizations and the world powers. The changes that have occurred on the political arena since the end of the Cold war, preceded by the changes that have led to changing of the political systems in Latin America, since the beginning of the 1980s have brought into the light a series of causes and effects that reflected on the future of humanity as an organism governed by political rules. The globalizing era has also offered a subject of debate among politicians because some consider that corruption was a "necessary evil to cut bureaucratic tape, redistribute resources, and sustain socio-economic development in countries whose governments opposed communism" (Manzetti&Wilson 2009, p.78), the changes brought by the end of the cold war made political scientists consider new approaches and theories for their analysis of the phenomenon of corruption of the political system in democratic countries.
The analysis of the causes and consequences of corruption, regardless of the theories one might adopt in one's approaches should always start with defining the terms used in the analysis. Transparency International, whose statistical date is an important source of information and a component for the empirical analysis of modern political science defines corruption as "the use of public office for personal gain" (Thomas & Meagher 2004).
Grimot Nane who considers the definition incomplete, adds to this definition that takes into consideration only the public sector the private sphere ingredient that makes the medium complete. He arrives thus at the conclusion that Mishra's definition is the one that best describes the phenomenon of corruption in the contemporary world: "behavior that deviates from formal duties because of private gains" (Mshra 2006, cited by Nane 2007). The theories used in political science to analyze the phenomenon of corruption have developed as a natural consequence of the development and changes the societies underwent, especially during the last twenty years.
Modern economic relationships have made statistical date analyzing the level of corruption in different countries absolutely necessary in order to determine factors indicating the country risk and thus influencing the level of investment. Lambsdorff takes into account the literature that considered the way corruption influences investment in a certain country that and brings a further understanding of the relationship between corruption and investment by further making a differentiation between types of corruption and their respective effects on investment. Researchers who made cross-section countries studies of the impact corruption has on economic and social factors have found that local, foreign and public investments are directly and negatively influenced by corruption.
One the other hand, Labsdorff provides evidence form other authors who analyzed the statistical date in cross-section of countries analysis that the poor quality of the education system, the inequality aspects, a low GDP are factors that also influence the degree of corruption in a country.
The question corruption as sand or grease in the wheels is easily answered in the light of the latest data. Lambsdorff pays a close attention to the various outcomes corruption is proven to have in the light of the types and economic and social sectors that came under the scrutiny of these studies. The evidence gathered on the investments in the public sector depending on the corruption levels and predictability is mostly leading conclusions towards the idea that the higher the corruption, the lower the public investments.
However, Lambsdorff underlines that the some authors used methodologies that may become questionable when considering the results. The most reliable evidence-based effects corruption has on economic and social factors are in Lambdroff's opinion those related to the unofficial economy, the health care and education system. A cross-section of countries indicates that percentage of infant mortality and low-birth weight for example, are higher in countries with higher level of corruption than in other countries. Some researchers like Tanzi and Davoodi are shown by Lambsdorff to have found evidence that "1-point increase in corruption is associated with a 1.5 percentage point decline in total…[continue]
"Corruption The Relationship Between Corruption And Democracy" (2009, November 07) Retrieved December 7, 2016, from http://www.paperdue.com/essay/corruption-the-relationship-between-17770
"Corruption The Relationship Between Corruption And Democracy" 07 November 2009. Web.7 December. 2016. <http://www.paperdue.com/essay/corruption-the-relationship-between-17770>
"Corruption The Relationship Between Corruption And Democracy", 07 November 2009, Accessed.7 December. 2016, http://www.paperdue.com/essay/corruption-the-relationship-between-17770
Corruption Anti-Corruption No one is immune from the power of corruption. Of course there are orders of magnitude and people can be corrupted in little ways that do not seem to matter, but many times the people that are corrupted are the very ones who are supposed to be manning the public trust. The very people citizens hope are the most incorruptible are, unfortunately, the most susceptible. Lord Acton said that "Power
Democracy and Clientelism: Political clientelism is basically considered as the distribution of discriminatory benefits to people or groups in exchange for political support. Clientelism is a form of personal exchange that is always characterized by uneven balance of power between those involved and a sense of compulsion. Throughout history, this term has continued to create confusion and controversy due to the broad and varied range of political exchanges that it contains.
), [he knows] that media companies are responsive to pressure when it is sustained, sophisticated and well executed," he fails to offer any concrete examples of this kind of pressure or how it might actually be applied (Schechter, 2003, p. 242). He does propose "a Media and Democracy Act, an omnibus bill that could be a way of showing how all of these issues are connected," but he does not
2 billion in annual television rights and advertising. This wealth, coupled with a lack of accountability to any public body, creates opportunity for corruption to flourish. The instances of corruption surrounding the World Cup bids were not related to the television rights, but once the culture of corruption has become ingrained in the organization, it can seep beyond the boundaries of internal corruption. The World Cup corruption was ultimately both
They couldn't protect themselves with diversification, as an investor-shareholder would in corporate-capitalism. All their eggs would be in one basket. This could result in the firm's stagnation from lack of creativity, innovation, and willingness to take a risk. Dahl's issue is how to extend democracy and its values, especially equality, into the workplace and thus create a better economic system. He concludes that self-governing enterprises where the workers were responsible
Mass Media Promotes Democracy The journalistic side of the twentieth century can be defined as the struggle for democracy and an independent media against propaganda and subservience to the state. That struggle culminated during the first half of this century in the seizure of the means of communication by the demagogues of the 1930s and 1940s -- Adolf Hitler and Josef Stalin -- and their Cold War reincarnation of the 1950s,
Civic Relationship: Human relations to each other in the society are usually discussed and examined through examining the simplest kinds of relationships between family and friends. It is customary for people to go back to these simplest forms of relationships because they are considered as intimate relationships. These relationships are used as the foundation for learning and extrapolation to the wider and less intimate form of human friendships. This implies that