Anomie/Strain Theory and Race Introduction

Anomie/Strain Theory and Race

Introduction to Anomie and Strain Theory of Social Deviance

Nineteenth century social theorist Emile Durkheim proposed the theory of Anomie to describe the manner in which comparative alienation from society and relative lack of social and economic opportunity leads to feelings of despair and hopelessness and to the rejection of the predominant social norms, value, and expectations of society on the part of the individual (

Henslin, 2008; Macionis, 2007; Schmalleger, 2009). According to Durkheim, sense of purposelessness and despair is a function of the self-perception of being out of synch with society and contributes further to distancing the individual from society (Henslin, 2008; Macionis, 2007; Schmalleger, 2009).

Subsequently, 20th century social theorist Robert Merton proposed refinements to Durkheim's Anomie Theory. Specifically, Merton proposed that modern human societies always feature values, themes, and goals by which individuals are judged by others and by which they establish a positive sense of self-worth or self-esteem (Gerrig & Zimbardo, 2009). Therefore, the more in synch the individual is with the predominant goals and values expected in society, the more connected the individual will be to the community and the greater the social and economic opportunities available to the individual the more likely the individual is to adhere to societal values, expectations, and rules. Much of Merton's early work followed the Great Depression and reflected his attempt to explain the increasing crime rate, particularly among people who had previously been law-abiding citizens (Henslin, 2008; Macionis, 2007; Schmalleger, 2009).

Merton suggested that every society promotes certain goals and objectives by which it expects individuals to achieve success; when those goals become less achievable or less realistically available, the result is a reduction of adherence to the norms and values promoted by society (Henslin, 2008; Macionis, 2007). Merton outlined the importance of conventional opportunities by which individuals in society know that they can improve their circumstances, as well as the manner in which the perceived lack of opportunities causes psychological strain and frustration. According to Merton, this strain and frustration is often expressed as specific modes of adaptation, such as through retreating from society even more, active rebellion, and criminal deviance as an alternative means for achieving some of the goals denied by the relative lack of opportunity (Schmalleger, 2009).

Toward the end of the 20th century, Robert Agnew expanded Merton's Strain theory by proposing that it applied to much more than merely economic opportunities (Agnew, 1992; Broidy, 2001). Rather, Agnew suggested that strain operates as much on a micro level on every individual as well as on groups of individuals; that many criteria besides financial opportunities (such as perceptions about social acceptance, respect, and inclusion in social institutions) contributed to strain; and that the negative consequences resulting from strain ranged from relatively benign behaviors (such as overeating or social withdrawal) to overt rebellion against authority and criminal deviance (Gerrig & Zimbardo, 2009; Schmalleger, 2009). Furthermore, Agnew proposed that strain results from several specific sources: the failure to achieve socially promoted desirable goals; the acute loss of valued stimuli (including the death of close relatives or the loss of a job); and regular exposure to negative environmental stimuli such as crime, abuse, or social ostracism by others (Henslin, 2008; Gerrig & Zimbardo, 2009).

Anomie, Strain, Social Deviance, Criminality, and Race

The broadened concept of Anomie and Strain Theory offer insight into the manner in which racism in society may contribute to social deviance and to the development of criminal inclinations among minority populations. In theory, racism is a direct cause of reduced opportunities to achieve financial and professional success, high social status, and the achievement or satisfaction of many of the goals promoted throughout society (Henslin, 2008; Macionis, 2007). The fact that minority racial status has long been associated with comparatively less opportunity for upward social mobility, professional achievement, and financial success is well established in empirical literature (Agnew, 1992; Agnew & Brezina, 1997; Broidy, 2001). To the extent racial identity negatively influences the ability of individuals to succeed in society, it contributes to Anomie as described by Merton (Agnew, 1992; Agnew & Brezina, 1997; Broidy, 2001). As a result, minority group members may give up the hope of achieving success in the manner measured by the predominant culture; alternatively, they may resort to alternative ways of pursuing conventional goals (i.e. money and tangible acquisitions) but in unconventional, deviant, or criminal ways (Schmalleger, 2009).

The other significant finding of the empirical literature is that racism also relates to Strain Theory in that social ostracism and oppression are noxious stimuli that contribute to the strain experienced by individuals (Agnew, 1992; Broidy, 2001). In that regard members of racial minority communities who are mistreated and subjected to negative messages from the predominant social groups typically identify less with the norms, values, and expectations of the predominant society. Alternatively, they may still seek the same goals promoted by the predominant society but resort to deviant and criminal methods to achieve them, partly as a result of perceived necessity and partly as a manifestation of resentment and hostility over the injustice inherent in racism and in the oppression of racial minority groups (Macionis, 2007).

Racism also contributes to Anomie and strain perceived by the individual indirectly as well as directly (Agnew & Brezina, 1997). Specifically, in societies where membership in a minority race corresponds to reduced opportunities for upward social mobility, professional achievement, and financial success, minority race is also associated with increased exposure to other circumstances that contribute further to Anomie and to strain perceived by individuals. For example, poverty and lack of vocational opportunities with the potential for upward social mobility correspond to living situations in which the individual is exposed to the negative influences of high-crime communities, substance abuse, and also to domestic violence (Schmalleger, 2009).

Each of those is empirically linked to deviance and to the increased likelihood of criminal deviance among individuals raised in or living in those types of environments. Therefore, even apart from the direct influence of racism on the development of Anomie and psychosocial strain on the individual as described by Merton and Agnew, the situational circumstances frequently associated with racism also introduce specific noxious stimuli in their own right that further exacerbate the alienation of the individual from society and that further contribute to the withdrawal from society and to the development of deviance and criminality (Schmalleger, 2009).

More specifically, exposure to criminal behavior in the immediate external environment has been empirically linked to increased vulnerability to criminal associations. Similarly, low-income, high-crime communities feature higher levels of serious family disharmony, broken marriages, and domestic abuse and violence, all of which are factors empirically linked to increased delinquency in youth and to general deviance and criminality in the community. Finally, in that regard, low-income, high-crime communities also increase the exposure of individuals to deviant norms with respect to illicit substance abuse, alcoholism, and even to poor nutritional choices that greatly contribute to obesity and other negative health consequences, some of which have also been linked empirically to alienation and (in the case of obesity, in particular) to diminished self-worth and to low self-esteem in individuals (Gerrig & Zimbardo, 2009).