Curriculum Develop in Learning Settings

¶ … Social Problem in a Family Context

Select a social problem, disorder, or condition that affects family dynamics.

Family Separation due to Deportation

In the introduction describe the problem, its etiology, and effects on the family system.

Problem and Etiology

Innumerable children experience the trauma of separation from their families (parents), owing to deportation. For many years, no attention has been paid to their suffering or their demands. However, of late, a glimmer of hope can be seen for such families, on account of President Obama's precise, direct position with regard to this major issue. Therefore, now is the opportune moment to broach this issue and assist researchers in making these displaced people's voices heard. Migrants from different parts of the globe are lured to the U.S. where they hope for a secure future and improved life. A number of families and individuals risk much, including their lives, for acquiring passage into the nation. Authorities only have an estimation of illegal migrants within the nation, as it is hard to maintain a precise record of them. According to official projections, 11.2 million illegal immigrants reside in the U.S. (Passel & Cohn, 2011). As per a Department of Homeland Security (DHS) report, countless illegal migrants are deported per annum (Sanchez, 2011). This process of removal varies, and may take place within weeks, or even be dragged for years. About 50% of detained illegal migrants voluntarily leave the nation within a few weeks of their detention, while the rest remain in INS (Immigration and Naturalization Service) custody and are imprisoned in DHS facilities, where they may be stuck for months, or even years. Individuals who strive to remain and fight for delaying deportation and changing their circumstances are typically those having families (particularly children) in the U.S. (Nazarian, 2014).

A majority of illegal immigrants in the U.S. have families, with children born in the U.S. (Gonzalez, 2012). In the first half of 2011, governmental authorities deported no less than 46,000 illegal immigrants with America-born kids; a further 21,860 weren't deported, but left the nation when asked to leave (Gonzales, 2012). Enhanced deportation activity led to over 5,100 children being left to foster care; in another 5 years, this figure is expected to increase threefold (Sanchez, 2011; Applied Research Center, 2011).

Effects

DHS statistics of 2008 report deportation of 358,886 foreign migrants in the same year; moreover, more than a million families, since the year 1997, have suffered separation on account of deportation. This figure is alarming, as family division adversely impacts on the emotional health as well as financial condition of families. Deportation, specifically, can significantly disrupt the familismo of Latino families. Familismo implies the attitudes, family structures, and behaviors that operate in an extended family (Gonzalez & Consoli, 2012). Numerous studies prove that Latino individuals who sensed support or belongingness seemed more resilient compared to Latinos who experienced lesser belongingness. Other research works have discovered that familismo marks a source of motivation in times of adversity, improves academic effort, predicts decreased absence at school, and is linked to higher problem internalization and feelings of self-worth. The above findings reflect how valuable families are to Latinos and how belongingness and powerful familial bonds may be regarded as key factors in their everyday functioning. Additionally, familismo functions as a safeguard against risky behaviors like alcohol consumption, and also encourages improved resilience and academic performance. Overall, families were tormented by feelings of anxiety for the member deported, or fretted that people from the immigration office would return. Their emotions and their entire lives were affected. The general emotion prevalent among all such displaced families was sadness; individual members, however, were shown to have varying reactions, somewhat dependent on their age and existing environmental stressors or factors. Children, in general, showed a relatively greater amount of physical symptoms, whereas older family members experienced stress or anger (Gonzalez & Consoli, 2012).

Psychological Effects of Separation

Cleveland, Kronick, and Rousseau (2012), in an argument directed at the Standing Committee of the lower parliamentary house of Canada, asserted that separation of kids from parents, and sending them to foster care facilities, while their parents are detained is much more harmful to their psychological well-being than detention, since it leads to conditions of depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), behavioral issues, delays in development, and suicidal ideation in the short- as well as long- run. Kids of illegal immigrants are greatly disadvantaged, whether or not they experience the trauma of deportation of a member of their family (Gonzales, Fabrett, and Knight, 2009). These disadvantages may manifest themselves in various ways. Immense stress is wrought by the fear of division of the family any time, and alters how children perceive their lives, interact with others, and define themselves (Gonzales, Fabrett, and Knight, 2009). A qualitative research performed in 2012 by Dreby on 80 households (110 kids and 91 parents) involved an interview of people hailing from families (with children) wherein a member had been deported. Dreby revealed that the common, main aspect witnessed among interviewed parents was the dread of being separated from their children; further, the threat of being deported profoundly affected most kids and altered their self-perception. A majority of kids reported chronic psychological trauma because of a parent's deportation, together with chronic anxiety because of the risk of deportation. They are wary of police as they relate police to separation and deportation (Nazarian, 2014).

Discuss the ways in which families cope or fail to cope with this problem. Include information related to race/ethnicity/social class, etc.

Only a small body of literature is available that deals with family separations on account of deportations, and its effects on children's education. Generally, immigration-connected separations among Latino families, in addition to their impact on youngsters have been examined in cases wherein parents voluntarily decide to migrate to the U.S., leaving their families (including children) behind. This pool of literature has recorded impacts of separation of child from mother, including mothers suffering severe depression, and destabilized bonding that subsequently lead to disruptions in important parenting systems. Other studies have revealed that child-parent separations, due to diverse reasons, disturb healthy familial processes. One research work on 385 teens hailing originally from Central America, Mexico, Haiti, Dominican Republic, and China (Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, & Louie, 2002) reported that kids taken away from parents exhibited increased likelihood of developing symptoms of depression than kids who hadn't suffered any separation. Mitrani, Mena, Santisteban, and Muir (2008) discovered that Hispanic teens with acute behavioral issues (e.g., drug use) were separated from mothers for extended periods of time, because of their mothers having migrated to the U.S., leaving them in the hands of relatives. Carbonell (2005) investigated illegal migrants in her workplace setting and learnt that immigrants pay an emotional price -- PTSD, insomnia, paranoia, and recurrent nightmares -- when they decide to make a future for themselves in America. Immigration's impacts on poor Mexican-American migrant families and their kids may be lasting, characterized by chronic stressors and developmental problems that affect family relationships. The findings of one study with 143 participants revealed that Latino migrants anxious about getting deported face increased risks of suffering from negative health and emotional states, poor health status, and stress because of extra familial elements (Cavazos Rehg, Zayas, & Spitznagel, 2007). Research outcomes appeared to indicate that Latino migrants worried about deportation might limit availing themselves to healthcare facilities even when needed (Orozco & Dunlap, 2010).

Both migrant kids and kids left behind in native countries by immigrants in the U.S. represent a distinct vulnerable cluster. Parental migration can have devastating effects on children -- it is shown to threaten long-term development and health of Caribbean teens. Children impacted by migration encounter various challenges in connection with healthcare and education, and suffer multiple psychosocial problems as well. A number of children who are left behind are afflicted with depression, poor self-esteem causing behavioral issues, and heightened risk of low performance at school and interrupted schooling. A unique problem of immigrant kids is their inaccessibility of proper education and health facilities, particularly if they are illegal immigrants (Bakker, 2009). Another potential obstacle for them is birth registration, particularly for Haitians living outside of Haiti. Moreover, migrant kids and those left behind encounter greater risks of exploitation and abuse (child trafficking, child labor, and sexual abuse). As per a Health and Family Life Education initiative evaluation, 18% of respondents (average age= 14.7 years) were forced into sexual activity. Likelihood of abuse increases considerably when children lose parental protection. Migrating parents' gender, on the other hand, has different familial and child safety-related impacts, which can be understood through Caribbean societal gender roles. Abuse (whether in the form of neglect, physical, sexual or emotional abuse) is likelier when the child's mother migrates to another nation (Bakker, 2009), whereas migration of the father typically ensures better protection of child, but may leave the family with scant finances. The responsibility of feeding the family generally falls on the spouse, mother, or sister -- the migrated male remits minimal funds to the family. In some instances, mothers participate in short-term secondary unions for compensating for lost companionship and income. This can considerably impact girls' safety, as their vulnerability to sexual maltreatment increases at the hands of their mothers' temporary companions. Furthermore, girls are prone to respond to the absenteeism of their father by seeking adult males' attention, increasing risks of sexual exploitation (Bakker, 2009).

Describe family dynamics that are common in families facing this problem or disorder.

The migration trend has represented a way for seeking better avenues for education and income in all Caribbean nations. Caribbean migration's long history commenced with their forced movement in the colonial era (i.e., seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries). These areas also witnessed post-colonial migration in great waves towards the U.S. and UK in the 1950s-60s. Caribbean nationals continue to migrate in significant numbers to the U.S. even today. As per U.S. Census Bureau Statistics (as cited in Bakker, 2009), Caribbean nationals constitute 10% of overall migrants residing in America. Most hail from Cuba (34%), Dominican Republic (25%) and Jamaica and Haiti (10%). In South American nations, Guyanese make up one of the largest migrant populations (10%) (Bakker, 2009).

Prior studies on Latinos have deduced that migrant Latinos are susceptible to various stressors like bias, discrimination, limited healthcare access, and acculturative stress. Nevertheless, health research on migrant Latinos has discovered an inconsistency in this cluster, indicating that, in spite of regularly facing acute environmental stressors, migrant Latinos show fairly good health-related outcomes (in terms of infant mortality, substance consumption, mood disorders, and nutrition) in comparison to better acculturated migrants. One reason for this can be that acculturated migrants (especially those who have resided longer in America), may be characterized by reduced bonding and traditional familial values like respect for parents and familismo. Further, they may experience greater isolation from their families, resulting in aggravated health problems. Research suggests that cultural aspects like religiousness and family support can play a protective role in migration (Gonzalez & Consoli, 2012).

Apply two explanatory family theories to examine why families facing this issue may interact/behave/function the way they do.

Attachment Theory

This is an exhaustive approach which deals with issues from diverse perspectives, including cognitive, physiological, behavioral, and emotional. Within this model, the terms 'attachment orientation' and 'attachment styles' are employed interchangeably for denoting consistent, individual, and universal differences in the propensity to look for and receive emotional assistance and consolation from individuals one is attached to and assumptions concerning attachment figures' responsiveness to the plea for aid and consolation (Rholes & Simpson, 2004). The attachment approach offers a framework to understand emotional reactions in babies, as well as love, sorrow, and loneliness in adult individuals. Vital to the attachment model are the elements of growth of infant-parent bond and infants' exploration of other systems. Under attachment theory, babies initially forge a powerful bond with their key caregiver, who becomes the baby's basis of exploration. A baby naturally wishes to investigate and learn new things, however, when it reaches too far and faces danger or gets scared, it is the key caregiver who play the role of the baby's secure base of protection. If parents respond to, and can be accessed by, the baby when it is distressed, a feeling of joy and security is fostered within the child's attachment with the parent. But when the baby perceives a threat to that security, the natural reactions will be anxiety, anger, and jealousy. The baby may suffer depression and anguish, if its attachment with the parent breaks (Flores, 2011).

Application

The separation of child from parent can significantly disrupt formation of secure attachment. Bowlby (1969) stated that the effect of such separation varies with early attachment quality. In a 1988 work, he proposed that the absence of a steady mother figure upsets the formation of a long-term attachment bond, making children prone to psychological disturbance. Though his 1969 theory's basis was the infant-caregiver bond, Bowlby and other researchers have developed the theory, understanding that the child-parent relationship endures throughout one's life and not merely in childhood and teenage. In studying attachment bond's impact on child-parent separation, taking into account the stage of development wherein separation transpired, is vital. Some research works assert that child-parent separations in early childhood are, perhaps, most harmful, owing to strong dependence and attachment established in this phase. Attachment remains a key element in the phases of late childhood and teenage, as children's sense of security relies heavily on how they view attachment figure accessibility; any level of threat to this accessibility continues eliciting strong feelings of despondency, apprehension, and irritation. Kobak (1998) indicated that separation in adolescence subsequently gives rise to distress and damage to perceived attachment and sense of security. This can be a key factor in psychopathology and maladaptive behaviors witnessed among older kids and teens left behind by migrant parents (Flores, 2011).

Ecological Systems Theory

The 1979 ecological systems approach of Bronfenbrenner entails a study of reciprocal, progressive relationships existing among growing, active individuals, and the evolving elements of their immediate setting. The idea that a developing individual isn't a plain blank slate the environment puts its mark on, but, instead, an active, progressive participant who enters and restructures his/her personal setting is vital to this theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In the context of this theory, ecological environment denotes a nested layout of concentric formations, each of which is enclosed within the subsequent one (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The theorist explains this concept through an analogy between ecological environment and Matryoshka dolls, where the deepest level represents the closest setting that contains the developing individual (Macias, 2013).

Application

Bronfenbrenner's (1979; 2005) ecological systems model has served as a valuable framework for researchers aiming to study the different systemic levels governing the everyday experiences of migrant youngsters as they pass through the spectrum of academic and individual development. Research with regard to migrant youngsters that utilize this theory is rare, with the exception of one notable example. Suarez-Orozco and coworkers' (2011) pioneering study integrates a few elements of this theory in analyzing the educational experience of migrant youngsters growing up in mixed-status households. The authors found, at the level of microsystem, that migrant youngsters, in particular, those who grow up in mixed-status households, find that they are in American dystopic schools' most liminal places (p. 449). They draw this conclusion from witnessing an over-representation of migrant children in highly-segregated, poorly-resourced schools that offer students limited scholastically-engaging avenues. Moreover, the authors argue that limited income and repeated moves worsen migrant children's already-poor performance at school. At home, these children's development may be hindered by high stress levels, owing to limited finances and the fear of being deported (Macias, 2013 ).

Present and discuss two evidence-based family intervention models applicable to the problem.

Risk-and-Resilience Framework Model

This model developed in the year 1985 by Rutter proposes that people's exposure to protective and risk factors can influence mental as well as physical outcomes. Despair is a key mental outcome, which holds particular significance, as previous studies have uncovered a link between depression and despair. Rutter aimed at identifying factors giving rise to, or protecting from, despair in migrant mothers from Mexico. The general hypothesis that an absence of social assistance and great conflicts between parent and teenaged child would be linked to greater levels of despair in mothers was partly confirmed. As expected, absence of social backing was linked to feelings of despair. Parent -- teen conflict was linked moderately to despair, but was rendered non-significant after controlling for other factors. Parent -- teen conflict might not hold relative value when compared with other variables (e.g., family support and working) in the immigration context. Parent -- teen conflict may serve to weaken perceived familial support, which was found to be a stronger predictor of despair. This construal is largely consistent with earlier findings, which indicate that conflict within the family is linked to higher depression risks among Latino families, as it wears down family harmony -- a singularly valuable cultural principle for this group (Marsigilia, Kulis, Perez, & Parsai, 2011).

Parent Management Training -- the Oregon (PMTO™) Model

This model denotes a preventive, clinical, family intervention evolving since the past four decades. Positive effects on externalizing and internalizing behaviors of youth, in addition to parental adjustments were witnessed in PMTO recipients during follow-up measurements extending over 9 years. At present, the prevention research initiative is being carried out in the city of Detroit, Michigan. No less than 30% of Detroit's population subsists below the federal poverty line. Further, Detroit is on the list of cities with highest violent crimes rates in the nation (Cardona, et al., 2012). Detroit's Latino migrant group is subject to profound contextual stressors. Roughly 44% of the city's Latino families have a combined domestic income of below 35,000 dollars. The city's Latino migrants are rather unwilling to enroll in community-based programs, because of being discriminated, exploited, and marginalized for years. Most recently, their wariness has heightened, owing to mounting anti-immigrant sentiment in Detroit society, and extensive deportation operations carried out by immigration officials. Thus, efforts to offer Latinos preventive, non-mandatory mental health programs often face contextual obstacles, which include lack of potential participants' trust (Cardona, et al., 2012).

Critique the existing evidence-based family practices presented: What are the strengths and limitations?

Risk and Resilience Model

This model, which predicts despair when the depression element was controlled, requires additional exploration. Current findings fail to completely match the causal interpretation of this link by which despair and depression are closely associated. It is likely that for Mexican migrants, depression and despair are differentiated, without an inevitable correlation between the two. The two constructs seem to differ, indicating that in a population of poor, female Mexican migrants, despair may be experienced, but not symptoms of depression are seen. Additional analysis is required for clarifying the potential impacts of cultural factors. For instance, despair may be linked to fatalism (or one's anticipation of suffering in life), coupled with the understanding that one must endure it and, therefore, being depressed is futile. This construct can possess a dimension that is culturally protective. Despair's partial independence from depression may be linked to immigration experiences as well. Respondents were hardy people who survived the experience of migration, and thus, on this basis, they might have held on to hope for opportunities and their distant futures. When faced with rejection or trying times, they might have felt a diminishing hope without its internalization into feelings of failure associated with depression. While depression and despair were found to be moderately connected, researchers could not ascertain how far depression accounts for despair and vice versa, owing to study limitations. However, it is known that in most instances, depressed individuals also suffer despair, loneliness and sorrow (Marsigilia, Kulis, Perez, & Parsai, 2011).

PTMO

Cultural adjustment procedures adopted in this study had no effect on key elements of the primary PMTO intervention. Adjustments carried out in both revised interventions were focused largely on cultural intervention content and curricula refinement, in addition to revisions of procedures of recruitment, collection of data, and delivery of intervention (Cardona, et al., 2012).

It is tentatively assumed that close PMTO intervention compliance was linked with high ratings of satisfaction, on account of coinciding reports across focus group participants. Authors expected to expand tests during the study's randomized controlled trial phase. Still, initial data suggested high significance of carrying on with investigating alternatives for retaining original evidence based theories' (EBTs) core facets in cultural adjustment studies on Latinos. Satisfaction of participants with original core facets of PMTO in both of the revised interventions validates emerging literature, which indicates that certain parenting skills (like, skill encouragement and consistent discipline) seem equally important across cultures. This emergent data is significant, owing to limited accessibility of culturally-appropriate EBTs for diverse at-risk groups in America. The growth of cross-cultural effective parenting theories can aid the revision and delivery of effective parenting interventions for Latinos who desperately require such interventions, but have no resources for developing them, in global and national contexts (Cardona, et al., 2012).

Part 2: Working With a Client Family That Exhibits the Problem

Beginning phase:

Mrs. and Mr. Vargas (pseudonyms) turned to a Family Resource Center for assistance. Recently, Mr. Vargas lost his job at a construction site and, as a result of being an undocumented immigrant, was facing problems in getting another job. His wife was unemployed, and her provisional residential status had elapsed. The Vargas family has six kids, of which most were U.S.-born. One of the center's counselors, to whom their case was assigned, discussed their needs and established that the family required rent assistance -- a couple of months' rent was outstanding and their landlord had already dispatched a dislodgement notice. Mrs. and Mr. Vargas had limited ability to communicate in English, and couldn't communicate properly with the landlord, who was entirely unfamiliar with the Spanish language. The counselor effectively managed to get in touch with the landlord, explaining to him that the Vargas family, in collaboration with the Resource Center, was attempting to solve their housing issue. The landlord was informed of the possibility of having outstanding rents settled by the Center, and was requested not to force the family out. The landlord conceded, allowing the family an additional couple of weeks to settle outstanding rents. Mrs. and Mr. Vargas agreed for a second session with their counselor in two days' time. Between sessions, two charity organizations and a church were recruited, by the counselor, to the cause of supplying rent assistance to the Vargas family (Hipolito-Delgado, 2012).

When they returned for their next session, Mrs. and Mr. Vargas related another issue. Their youngest boy, aged 8, was recently diagnosed with brain tumor. The reason for Mr. Vargas' job loss was frequent absenteeism for accompanying his son to medical appointments. These regular appointments and hospitalizations made it a challenge for the two to take care of their other kids and retain employment. The counselor aided the Vargas family, in collaboration with local support services and the children's schools, for ensuring the family received rent assistance, food, and childcare (Hipolito-Delgado, 2012).