Ahlberg (Prolegomena in Sallustium, Gteborg, 1911), which was followed by him in his Teubner text (Leipzig, 1919) and, except in some minor details, by B. Ornstein in the Bude Salluste (Paris, 1924); and the critical notes have been made to conform to that classification. Some changes have been made also in the section on the "pseudo-Sallustian" works, to which a good deal of attention has been devoted during the past decade. Finally, some errors have been corrected and a few additions made to the bibliography. (Thayer)
The story of Catiline's revolt, Thayer reports, proves interesting to students of Roman history previewing Caesar's revolution. It also serves as a warning, Thayer contends, to modern man in "dealing as it does with terrorism, the infiltration of republican government, and pre-mptive strikes at them to preserve liberty. In a similar sense, the war with Jugurtha deals with conducting a foreign war with a polarized citizenry, amidst a number of other concerns. The defeatist half may have been bribed by the enemy to call off the war, the story suggests.
Barbara Weiden Boyd reviews the book, Conspiracy Narratives in Roman History, written by Victoria Emma Pagen. Boyd recounts that by Pagan focuses on five conspiracies, reportedly familiar to the majority of serious students of Roman history, relating to the Catilinarian conspiracy of 63 BCE, as narrated by Sallust. Boyd reports the other four Pagen conspiracies to include:
the Bacchanalian affair of 186 BCE, as narrated by Livy;
the Pisonian conspiracy of 65 CE, as narrated by Tacitus;
the assassination of Caligula in 41 CE, as narrated by Josephus; and the assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE, as narrated by Appian. (Boyd)
Pagan's primary focuses on Sallust's monograph in her account of the Catilinarian conspiracy, along with the fact she reportedly merely scans the Ciceronian tradition attributes value to work by Sallust (Boyd).
c. Influence and Successors
The report by Simon Hornblower and Tony Spawforth, "Velleius Paterculus" contends that Sallust perceived the destruction of Carthage in 146 BC, as did Velleius, to be a turning-point in Roman history. This account by Hornblower, and Spawforth, which focuses on Velleius, rather than Sallust, points out that at least one other historian, Velleius, considered the phraseology in Sallust's work worth imitating. (Hornblower, and Spawforth).
In "The Death of Don Juan; Murder, Myth and Mayhem in Madrid," Robert Stradling notes an excerpt by one reformer who admired Sallust. Stradling purports this reformer received the attention of Olivares and the king when he "quoted Sallust to prove that when a kingdom reaches such a point of moral corruption that men dress like Women [...] it can be regarded as lost, and its empire at an end" (¶ 14). This account, along with a number of other repeated instances of others recounting Sallust's perceptions in recorded history, confirms that Sallust's words are still quoted to relate/relate to a particular point (Hornblower, and Spawforth; Stradling; Zumbrunnen). John Zumbrunnen, recounts that Nietzsche acknowledges in "What I Owe to the Ancients," noted in "Courage in the Face of Reality": Nietzsche's Admiration for Thucydides" that his debt concerns ns matters of style. In fact, Nietzsche rates the Roman style of writing to be far superior to that of the Greeks. Nietzsche asserts: "My sense of style, of the epigram as style, was awoken almost instantaneously on coming into contact with Sallust" (Zumbrunnen ¶ 11). No Greek could match the Roman style, Nietzsche contend, as the specific style he admired, in the Romans in general, particularly in Sallust, contained substance. Nietzsche describes the styles of Sallust and Thucydides to be similar. Zumbrunnen points out that Sallust admired, and endeavored to emulate Thucydides. In one particular notebook entry made during summer of 1878, Nietzsche comments on the "emaciated" style of speech Demosthenes became familiar with; that Thucydides practiced. In section 2 of "What I Owe to the Ancients," Nietzsche attributes credit to Thucydides for his " 'strong, stern, hard matter-of-factness instinctive to the older Hellenes,' something akin to the "compact, severe" style of Sallust" (Zumbrunnen ¶ 11).
Nietzsche's description of his reaction to Sallust provides another proof which additionally indicates a link between Nietzsche's appreciation of the styles Sallust and Thucydides. This connection suggests "something of the length of Nietzsche's struggle against Platonic illness and the enduring nature of the cure upon which he settled" ((Zumbrunnen ¶ 12).
The link also indicates that the initial encounter between Nietzsche and Sallust occurred at Schulpforta, the humanistic Gymnasium Nietzsche attended from the time he was 14 in 1858, until he matured at Bonn in 1864. Nietzsche' relates Corrsen, his honored teacher, expressing feeling astonished at the sudden academic vigor Sallust inspired in him...
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