Inclusion in the UK and

Inclusion in the UK and Egypt The objective of this research is to examine inclusion in the United Kingdom and in Egypt and from the view of a lack of support for inclusion in what will be a discussion of the dilemmas that present with the practice of inclusion.

As much as teachers and schools would desire inclusion of special needs and students with disabilities in the mainstream classroom the truth is that proper preparation for this has not taken place leaving teachers and schools alike ill-prepared to meet what is a great challenge. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF UNITED KINGDOM AND EGYPT "International Experience in Including Children with Disabilities in Ordinary Schools" written by Mittler (2003) reports the experiences of various schools with the practice of inclusion.

Mittler states Egypt has a "long history of separate systems of special and regular schools, with little or no previous involvement from the Ministry of Education." (p.1) The project is stated to have been undertaken by Caritas "through its SETI Centre for Advice, Studies, and Training in Mental Retardation with the support of the Ministry of Education and other NGOs." (Mittler, 2003, p.6) In order to prepare for educating children with disabilities in the local schools an in-house training program ensued complete with a technical support team being assigned to work with the six schools that were participants in the pilot study.

Mittler reports that school staff traveled to schools that were already inclusive and social workers as well as school doctors and parents of non-disabled students attended workshops. Specific attention was focused on providing the training for support teams, school principles and teachers as well as techniques for the purpose of building confidence among these individuals.

Major difficulties are reported to have been experienced in this project which is stated to include those of: (1) negative attitudes on the part of many of the participating teachers in ordinary schools; (2) the loss of key project workers to other jobs; (3) the transfer of government officials to other work; and (4) some head teachers refusing to release their staff for training." (Mittler, 2003, p.9) Also stated is that large classes and poor facilities resulted in some of the children who were participating being withdrawn.

Stated as a positive outcome was "...the possibility that the Ministry of Education became more favorably disposed to inclusive education and might assume a more positive leadership role in the future." (Mittler, 2006, p.9) Egypt participated in Phase 2 of the program which ran from 1998 to 2001.

The following were essential elements to which Egypt and other countries participating in the program had committed themselves to: (1) Preparation of clear plans, including the sustainability of the project beyond its two-year term; (2) Appointment of a national coordinator; (3) Convocation of a national task force; (4) Regular reporting at all levels; and (5) Clear means of disseminating findings and expanding project The work of Chapin (1990) states that education in Egypt was traditionally controlled by the Ulama and Coptic clergy prior to the nineteenth century.

Stated as the institutions of primary importance in Egypt were the theological seminaries however, "most mosques and churches -- even in villages -- operated basic schools where boys could learn to read and write Arabic, to do simple arithmetic and to memory passages from the Quran or Bible." (Chapin, 1990) The system of modern secular education is stated by Chapin to have been established in the early nineteenth century by Muhammad Ali for the purpose of making the provision of cadres that were technically trained for the administration of civil and military actions.

Ali's grandson, Ismail is said to have expanded the system in a great way through the creation of a network of public schools and at the "primary, secondary, and higher levels." (Chapin, 1990) Ali's daughter-in-law organized the first girl's school in 1873 and the country in 1882 and 1922 under British administration failed to expand the educational system. There were however numerous public schools established which included the first secular university in Egypt.

(Chapin, 1990, paraphrased) At the ending of the rule of the British a new constitutions was adopted in Egypt which is stated to have "proclaimed the state's responsibility to ensure adequate primary schools for all Egyptians." (Chapin, 1990) Education was still only easily accessed by the elite in Egyptian society. Less than 50% of all primary school-age children were attending school in 1952, the time of the Revolution and most students who were enrolled were boys.

Chapin states that approximately 75% of the children age ten or older were illiterate and over ninety percent of girls in this age group were illiterate. Opportunities for education were expanded massively by the Free Officers who made a pledge that they would make provision of free education for all citizens and that all public school fees would be abolished.

The Ministry of Education budget doubled in just ten years and spending on education by the government "grew from less than 3% of the gross domestic product (GDP) in 1952-53 to more than 5% by 1978. Expenditures on school construction increased 1,000% between 1952 and 1976, and the total number of primary schools doubled to 10,000.

By the mid-1970s, the educational budget represented more than 25% of the government's total current budget expenses." (Chapin, 1990) However, the government has all but abandoned the goals for education that were set since the middle of the 1970s and the result is the public investment in "...new educational infrastructure has declined in relation to total educational expenditures; about 85% of the Ministry of Education's budget has been designated for salaries." (Chapin, 1990) Between the academic years of 1952-1954 through 1965-66, overall enrollments more than doubled.

They almost doubled again from 1965-66 through 1975-76. Since 1975 primary-school enrollments have continued to grow at an average of 4.1% annually, and intermediate school (grades seven through nine) at an average of 6.9% annually. The proportion of the population with some secondary education more than doubled between 1960 and 1976; the number of people with some university education nearly tripled.

Women made great educational gains: the percentage of women with preuniversity education grew more than 300% while women with university education grew more than 600%." (Chapin, 1990) It is reported that by the school year 1985-1986 that 84% of the children who were primary school-age were enrolled in school with only about 30% of children who were eligible attending intermediate and secondary schools. Because as many as 16% of Egyptian children were receiving no education in the 1980s, the literacy rate lagged behind the expansion in enrollments; in 1990 only 45% of the population could read and write.

By 1990 Egypt's education system continued to experience problems that were persistent in nature and stated as an example in the work of Chapin is the fact that the government failed to enforce laws that made it a requirement that children primary school-age attend school. Teacher shortages became a problem that was of a chronic nature and this is particularly true in rural primary schools.

While the British ruled Egypt the perception of teaching as a career was one that held little in the way of prestige and this profession was chosen only by young people who had no other choice and in cases where it would assist them climb the rungs of the career ladder to something considered more prestigious and more lucrative such as a law career. During the 1985-86 school years there were 155,000 teachers to 9.6 million students which works out to approximately 62 students per teacher.

(Chapin, 1990) According to Chapin "Some city schools were so crowded that they operated two shifts daily." (1990) The work of Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet (2006) entitled: "Policies and Practices of Acceptance in and Admission to Egyptian Public Schools and their Impact on Children with Disability" reports the laws and legislation of Egypt stating that the 1971 Egyptian Constitution, Article 18 holds that education is "a right guaranteed by the State" and in Article 20 it is stated that "education in the educational institutions of the State is free of charge in all phases of education and is compulsory during the primary phase extending to nine years." (Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet, 2006) These laws are stated to be in reference to the right of all children to education and not to be of the nature that refers directly to children who are disabled.

It is stated in Law number 68 (1968) on public education and specifically in Article 46 that: "Children residing in places more than one kilometer away from the nearest primary school shall be exempted from compulsory education as well as children with a disease (sickness) or a physical disability that prohibits them from reaching school." (Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet, 2006) Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet report that Law number 139 (1981) Article 3 states that pre-university education in the schools of the State is not only free but also is a right of all citizens.

Law number 39 and Article 9 states that the minister of education "...may establish schools for the education and care of the disabled and schools for special education in a way that matches their abilities and aptitudes." This article takes us back to the idea of isolation not integration, by establishing special schools for the disabled.

This is a possibility, not an obligation, in accordance with the Minister of Education's inclinations and preferences." (Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet, 2006) It is stated in Article 14 that conditions of medical fitness "...should be required for acceptance in all age stages." (Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet, 2006) Specifically stated are the following: (1) Article no. 1 states "The provisions of the child law shall be applicable and any other provision contradicting with the provisions of the said law shall be abrogated." (2) Article no.

54 indicates "Free education in the schools of the state is a right of all children." (3) Article no. 133 states "The child shall enroll in elementary education at the age of six; the state shall provide necessary space to intake the children at school age; and the parents shall apply for their children at this educational stage and ensure their regular attendance during the years of this stage according to the previous laws." (4) Article no.

165 indicates "All Children who apply for enrollment in special education schools and classes shall be referred to the appropriate medical unit for general and specialized medical examinations, aptitude tests and hearing measures, to verify the type and level of disability and the level of mental abilities, sensual and physical aspects, and the family and environmental conditions of these children. Detailed reports on each case, including the results of these examinations, tests and studies shall be presented to the appropriate technical committee and filed in the relevant file of each child.

Children are accepted, based on these examinations, at the special education schools and classes appropriate to their case, given that this is done sufficient time before the study." (Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet, 2006) According to Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet this legislation does not contain an objective on the part of legislators for integration of disabled children in mainstream classrooms.

Fekry, Saeed and Thabet additionally state that the SETI Center in Egypt is implementing a five-year project in collaboration with the Ministry of Education that is focused toward the integration of children with special needs in five governorates and 15 public schools and that the project is inclusive of the following elements: (1) Training is offered periodically to teachers, with cooperation from the Ministry of Education and the General Administration for Special Education at the Ministry; (2) Special education teachers serve as assistants to the teachers inside the integrated classes; (3) Teaching methodologies have been modified so information is delivered using a variety of approaches; (4) Social workers were trained to select and assess students for acceptance in schools (5) Awareness of other pupils in the class was raised (6) The school environment was prepared to accept the children through adequate awareness; and (7) Support groups of children were formed.

(Fekry, Saeed, and Thabet, 2006) ISSUES & CHALLENGES The work of Emily Gaad (2004) entitled: "Cross-cultural Perspective on the Effect of Cultural Attitudes Towards Inclusion for children with Intellectual Abilities" states of inclusive education that it is a "...form of educational services offered to children with special educational needs is an international phenomenon." Gaad states that great difficulty presents in the attempt to "....discuss educational services offered to children with intellectual disabilities or any form of disabilities without reflecting on the tenets of each society's traditional life and attitudes.

It is only through such reflection that one can understand and appreciate the common conceptualization of intellectual disability." (2004) This is because the community's attitude toward those with disabilities will effectively impact the provisions made for these individuals. Gaad (2004) goes on to relate that in ancient Egypt ".. A state council of inspectors examined neonates. If they suspected that a child was 'defective' in any way, the infant was thrown from a cliff to its death.

By the second century AD, individuals with intellectual disabilities, including children who lived throughout the Roman Empire, were frequently sold to entertain or amuse the privileged class.

Christianity led to a decline in these barbaric practices and a movement toward care for the less fortunate; in fact, all of the early religious leaders, Jesus, Buddha, Mohammed and Confucius, advocated humane treatment for the 'mentally retarded', 'developmentally disabled' or 'infirm'." (Gaad, 2004) That which drives human behavior is stated by Gaad (2004) to be "attitudes" and this is stated to be due to the belief of both individuals and groups as well as what is felt concerning a matter which ultimately "....determines what we do with respect to it." (Gaad, 2004) Presently there is a "widespread acceptance and support for raising youngsters with intellectual disabilities at home and having them participate in a variety of activities as part of community integration, rather than placement in institutional settings.

This has an impact on early intervention as it was believed that it is preferable to begin working with a child as soon as possible after birth." (Gaad, 2004) However, in the UK it is "...difficult to offer a single UK perspective on inclusion due to differences in the legal basis of education in England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, as well as regional differences within these countries related to different politics and policy." (Gaad, 2004) It is additionally related in the work of Gaad (2004) that there are "...few, if any, schools in England which include all the children from a neighborhood, defined as the catchment area of the school.

Recent research indicates that the inclusion of children with Down's syndrome which is one of the most common examples of intellectual disabilities was widely accepted as being educationally and socially possible at primary level, but it is secondary schools that are presumed to present barriers that were difficult to surmount." (Gaad, 2004) In fact, all throughout Africa "...those with intellectual disabilities are still seen as hopeless and helpless.

African culture and beliefs have not made matters easier" and this is stated to be due to the fact that disabilities in Africa are associated with "witchcraft, juju, sex-linked factors, God-mediated and super sensible forces. Avoiding whatever is associated with evil historically affected people's attitudes toward those with disabilities simply because disability is associated with evil. Most of these negative attitudes are misconceptions that stem from a lack of proper understanding of disabilities and how they affect functioning.

They stem directly from the traditional systems of thought, which reflect magical -- religious philosophies that can be safely called superstition.

Chances of inclusion, and other forms of educational services for such children, are affected by the construction of society, as well as traditional values and beliefs." (Gaad, 2004) According to Gaad (2004) "When four Egyptian parents of school-age children with mild-to-moderate intellectual disabilities were asked about how culture can affect their children's inclusion in regular classrooms, many revealed their concerns about how society looks at their children and how that can affect educational decisions.

A mother of a 10-year-old girl with an IQ of 65 attending a local school for children with intellectual challenges said that her daughter was in such a school because that was how society placed and categorized her.

Although she did not like the idea of marginalizing her child in such a school, she accepted that choice because that was what everybody else in her situation would do" Gaad states that another mother of a child with Down's syndrome who was the age of 9 years old stated that "...all children like her son attended that school. The family was lucky to have a place there, she revealed.

When she was asked her if she wanted her child to be in a regular school, the mother stated that she knew he would never be in a regular school as it was not an available option, and she did not think her child ever would be." (Gaad, 2004) Gaad (2004) relates that the key agents of change are "teachers" and that what teachers "...do on a day-to-day basis does make a profound difference." However, the problem that exists is that may of the teachers have not been well prepared to meets the needs of the students with disabilities and particularly in terms of meeting those needs in the mainstream classroom settings.

(Gaad, 2004, paraphrased) Gaad reports having interviewed an experienced classroom teacher for the UK who expressed that inclusion of children with certain intellectual disabilities in the classroom quite simply "was not a great experience. Moreover, the teacher stated that "...despite her beliefs of his rights to be in a normal school with other children, timing, resources and one-to-one teaching was very demanding for an already overwhelmed teacher who had 24 other pupils in the classroom. She revealed that attitudes had changed towards the inclusion of a child in a regular classroom.

Twenty years ago, he would not have been here, she stated. The teacher argued, however, that although inclusion seemed to be forcing its way in, the teacher was the one who had to face the day-to-day challenges in the classroom." (Gaad, 2004) Gaad states that Egypt has not yet adopted inclusion and this is despite "...calls for bringing this 'new' process that is happening elsewhere in the world to Egyptian schools.

Responses were relatively negative and many answered negatively when asked whether or not they would accept children with intellectual disabilities in their classrooms." (2004) Gaad reports that those in opposition to inclusion were asked the question of: "Why would you not accept children with mental disabilities in your classroom? One teacher's answer was 'because they should not be in my classroom. They should be in a special school, that's what special schools are for.

Another revealed that the reason was because he was not prepared to teach such children, and it was not fair for everyone'." (2004) Dissemination of information regarding inclusion is still "in a very early stage of learning basic facts...in Egypt." (Gaad, 2004) It is the belief of parents and teachers in Egypt that inclusion is "a foreign experience that other people do in other places of the world. They did not apply it because in a country that is very centralized.