King's assassination confirmed the growing nationalistic belief against nonviolence. The greatest challenge came from the Black Panther Party and its ten-point program of radical reform. The U.S. government were alarmed by these demands, and agencies such as the FBI stepped up their targeting of radical black groups.
In Chapter 6, Marable analyzes the political status and labor movements of this time. He emphasizes the lack of support for the full incorporation of black laborers -- the American Federation of Teachers, for example, opposed the establishment of affirmative action programs to regulate fairness in the labor market. The Longshoresman's Association nixed equal status of black members, and the Operating Engineers Union imposed physical violence on black graduates of their apprenticeship program and therefore blocked participation of blacks in unions.
In Chapter 7, Marable explains how the success of the Second Reconstruction went hand-in-hand with failure. Socio-economic gains made over the past three decades for a small number of blacks, also brought increased poverty for much larger numbers remaining in the inner cities. It is here that Marable clearly shows how blacks reached their problems of today. In the mid-1970s, there arose a small group of what he calls the black elite who were in relatively good economic positions. Many of these individuals fled to the suburbs and white schools and professions, which put a strain on the black institutions. As the elite advanced, other blacks remained the same or declined socio-economically while remaining in the cities. U.S. black crime rose due to unemployment and other socio-economic problems, and the courts began taking a much firmer stand in urban areas: The ever-increasing rise of black inmates began with a flourish. With high psychological stress and socio-economic problems, black families began to disintegrate. President Carter's weak support of civil liberties led to further problems. If not enough, white supremacy again raised its ugly head. Finally, the election...
In the aftermath of the First Reconstruction, white American historians attempted to portray the democratic experiment of 1965-77 as a complete disaster." After the Second Reconstruction, a similar process of historical revisionism took place -- led by President Reagan, who attempted to undermine the last vestiges of institutional equality.
Does this mean that the Second Reconstruction was a failure? "Our judgment," he says, "would be a resounding and unconditional 'no.'" Jim Crow is dead, the American State is committed to equal opportunity under law, the black consumer market has grown considerably. However, as an Afro-American and a socialist, Marable admits he cannot write his book without some political comment concerning those in poverty and many of the crimes against blacks still being committed. "The story of the Second Reconstruction has no moral, other than the simple truth that an oppressed people will not remain oppressed forever." Several basic ideals have sustained black courage: democracy, equality and freedom.
However, "given the evolution of capitalism, racism and democracy in America, a truly anti-racist democratic state must of necessity also be a socialist democracy....The demand for racial parity within a state apparatus and economy, which is based on institutional racism and capital accumulation at the expense of blacks and labor is flawed from the outset." A small group of black elites has formed, a small amount of blacks have been appointed in the government, but the now the passage of power must be given to those who create all wealth -- the working class. This will only be realized with the rise of the Third Reconstruction that seeks the empowerment of the laboring classes and all oppressed.
