Participatory Budgeting CMA
In the late-capitalist era during the late twentieth century restructuring of Canada's municipalities toward a new model of intergovernmental alliances, known as 'city-regional' governance, the importance of Public Choice as praxis to reconfiguration of the nation's market relations was asserted by urban planning and political theorists interested in the impetus and affects of the what became known as the Consolidation Movement. A decade of exposure to James Lightbody's (1999-2009) work on the topic, set the format for Canadian engagement in the larger theoretical public choice debate, and encourages both the use of Clarence Stone's urban regime model, as well as scholarly comparison with other North American proponents of this school of thought like McAllister (2005), Sancton (2000), and Tullock (1994).
Canada's commercial community is described as constituent leadership at the "political tipping point" within the history of is Census Metropolitan Areas (CMA) and municipal and regional consolidation actions. Their influence on the shape of provincial, national and international political representation is effectively observed in infrastructural and trade policies throughout the country. In response to this convergence of spatial and resource control and management, is an attendant dialogues about the inherency of equitable distribution to the democratic project, where coherent views of citizenship and participation have merged into a performance of "economic citizenship."
The foregoing essay looks at "where the efficiency of one-tier comprehensive municipal systems" in the country has tended to be "assumed rather than investigated" (Sancton). In response to this query, an alternative is presented in the essay through application of Jacobson's (2008) comparative analysis of city-based participatory budget (PB) projects to the Canadian case. Whether participatory finance is an actual equalizer or a secondary consequence to law is examined, and so too the impact of constitutional rules on economic growth. In between those to considerations is of course, the potential of participatory democracy. How structural adjustment of Canada's cities occurred through imposition is a very interesting story, and one that only has complete edification through PB and other cases studies, and even more so through the lens of classical public choice theory, outlined here as four (4) contingencies to governance of CMA communities, illustrated in Table 1.
Public Choice Model
1. Modern metropolis are self-sorting where residents work across social and economic lines to form an aggregate "community of communities;" and where the suburb is the policy instrument by which ghettos of one stripe or another are institutionally segregated;
2. A multiplicity of small governments better satisfies resultant divergent social agendas of those citizens by participation in different expenditure packages; predicated upon the idea that the individual as a rational citizen consumer of public goods will choose that package which best fulfils life-style expectations;
3. A polycentric system is more cost-efficient. Separating service delivery from production, via agreements with wider-area providers where they exist or entering into mutually exploitive joint-area contracts, employing non-unionized staff or volunteers in governance roles; the competitive metropolis also is presumed to control an implied sense that citizens over-consume publicly generated goods and services;
4. Big cities are less efficient as service providers; forced to internalize the costs of public goods, monopolizing their service production and purely dysfunctional bureaucratic entrenchment.
Table 1. Public Choice Model
Source: Lightbody, James. Canada's Seraglio Cities: Political Barriers to Regional Governance. Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers Canadians de sociologie, 24.2, 1999, 189.
In discussions on urban planning and CMA, reference to major contribution of Public Choice theorists, such as Charles M. Tiebout (1956) offers seminal interpretation of incongruent application to territorial and functional consolidations, as "there may be differentiated efficiencies in the production of public goods, and that for the citizen, as a consumer of public services, a bigger unit of government is not invariably better" (Lightbody, 450). In Lightbody's (2009), Defining A Canadian Approach To Municipal: Consolidation In Major City-Regions, he goes on to argue that Tiebout's theoretical legitimacy in the policy debate "between centripetal and centrifugal local governing options for city-regions" has been in that it assumes that all citizens are both "rational" and flexible in their capacity to source optimum municipal service levels and taxation rates, to the effect that ultimately the state would not need to produce or provide quite a few key services.
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