The authors admit that the dimensions may not be distinguishable based solely on self-reports, and also that young children may not draw sharp distinctions among the dimensions. Results disproved one of the research hypotheses: that between-group differences would be significant. In fact, only gender proved to be a significant variable affecting self-esteem. Blacks vs. whites and privileged vs. low-income students did not exhibit significant differences on most of the self-esteem dimensions. The most dramatic difference was between boys and girls on the athletics factor, with boys consistently reporting higher athletic self-esteem than girls throughout their development. The difference also increased with age. Girls rated themselves higher in personal character and personal responsibility than boys. The authors offer a groundless and nonsensical explanation for the findings, suggesting that "girls are given more responsibility for watching younger children than boys and are generally more conforming than boys," (p. 312). Girls also exhibited a more positive academic self-concept in the first grade than boys did, but that difference diminishes over time. Boys and girls also diverged with regards to body image, and that divergence increased over time. By the end of the fourth grade, girls had a significantly lower self-esteem related to body image than boys did. Race was less of a factor differentiating self-concept, and social class even less so. The researchers were surprised at the similarities. In general, the evidence supporting or disproving the hypothesis was convincing given the rigors of the methods used to gather and analyze the data. The authors admit the key problems with the research include that "traditional exploratory factor analyses do not produce coefficients that have standard errors, so there is no simple way to tell whether the loading for one group (girls) is statistically significant from the loading for another group (boys)," and also that "exploratory factor analysis models...
310). In other words, the research is simply exploratory in nature and no causality can be inferred.
Managing the Transition of Starting Primary School in England - Policies and Practices BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Education for the English child is compulsory from the age of five through the age of sixteen. This compulsory primary education consists of two cycles (i.e., 'stages') which are identified as key stages. Key stage 1 includes children in Years 1 and 2 of compulsory education (ages five to seven), and key stage 2 includes children in Years
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