Famines and famine situations have been and presently are cruel realities in Africa. People like Alex de Waal or Dennis C. Galvan have attempted to (1) find the causes of famines and poor economic developments in Africa and (2) suggest intermediate ways of action, both in terms of prevention and acting against famines. On the way, tough realities have appeared, many with political consequences, including the fact that many NGOs, claiming to help people in Africa in times of need, are actually directing money and dedication elsewhere.
In his book, "Famine Crimes Politics & The Disaster Relief Industry in Africa," Alex de Waal points out towards the amplification of African problems because of the international humanitarian help the regions is often receiving. Of course, this is not necessarily a general evaluation. Waal himself never denies the help some of the NGOs are providing, but a misunderstanding of African realities often provides the premises for wrong actions, actions that amplify issues.
On the other hand, as Waal emphasizes, famine has a strong political component and is often closely correlated to the political regime existing in a country at a certain time. The famine in Ethiopia, for example, or Somalia are not isolated cases, but a reflection of the political regime the respective country had implemented.
Waal relates famine to the political regime by innovating the "political contract" or an "anti-famine contract" that may be concluded between the people and the rulers. He problem with such a contract is that it is much more likely to be concluded in democratic regimes rather than authoritarian ones (de Waal, 2000). The reason is more than simple:...
Hence, they have no obligation (other than the moral one) to conclude or to respect contracts with the people.
On the other hand, in a democracy, first of all, the rulers' powers are limited by a Constitution, by the legislative and judicial systems etc. This means that democratic rulers are subject to change and this change can be produced by the population. Hence, an "anti-famine" contract that is not respected is equivalent to a "political scandal" and "famine is deterred" (de Waal 1997:5).
In this sense, referring to the state and the authorities, as well as to international agencies, the most apt and available persons to produce the change on the economic level are the African citizens themselves. The African citizens would be able, according to de Waal to (1) produce the necessary political changes that would trigger the right economic changes and (2) implement at a local level the economic development movements necessary to reduce famine risks.
As a completion to what de Waal has mentioned, we should also relate to the fact that, in general, authoritarian political regimes sparkle corruption problems as well and the reasons for this are also closely linked to the limitless power they dispose of, a power that is unquestioned by the true beneficiaries of the respective regime.
Dennis C. Galvan's book, "The State Must Be Our Master of Fire" better describes the manifestations of economic development plans at a village and local levels, including a comparison between local governance and state rulers, both Senegalese and French.
The Serer of the Sin region…
