Sometimes fiction echoes real life, and that can become a powerful influential force on how culture is defined and molded through the participation of the arts with real life. This can be seen in the case of examining both a theoretical and fictional presumption of modern culture and identity. Joane Nagel presents a thesis that ethnicity and culture are fluid, being pliable based on the conditions both within and outside of the group(s) in question.
Racial Ethnic Identity
Sometimes fiction echoes real life, and that can become a powerful influential force on how culture is defined and molded through the participation of the arts with real life. This can be seen in the case of examining both a theoretical and fictional presumption of modern culture and identity. Joane Nagel presents a thesis that ethnicity and culture are fluid, being pliable based on the conditions both within and outside of the group(s) in question.
Nagel presents a thesis which is essentially moving away from the traditional connotation that the United States is a melting pot, where all these different types of ethnicities are melting together based on their close proximity here in the United States. Despite years of thinking ethnic lines were blurring, the contemporary environment does provide evidence showing the contrary, that there has been an increase in differentiation between ethnic identities, mainly as a symbolic gesture based on nostalgia and pride in one's ethnic group. Here, Nagel posits that "the constructionist model constitutes an argument for the durability, indeed the inevitability, of ethnicity in modern societies," (Nagel 260). All groups will not inevitably melt into one multicultural consistency. People are in many ways choosing when and where to invoke symbolism of their ethnic identity, and allowing themselves to assimilate more into the larger community group in other situations. This is an attest to Nagel's idea that ethnicity is fluid. It varies, and is socially constructed, allowing it to vary depending on different social structures. In this, culture itself is also a fluid concept; "culture is constructed in much the same way as ethnic boundaries are built, by the actions of individuals and groups and their interactions with the larger society," (Nagel 251). Culture is formed in two primary models, reviving what was prominent in the past and shaping an entirely new form of culture based on a new set of modern needs and connotations within the subgroups of that culture, which is more of a cultural innovation rather than restoration. Both ethnicity and culture are changed and molded to fit the actions and perceptions of the members of the various groups within society.
This is a process that is continually occurring, not simply conducted once and then defined for generations. Here, Nagel writes "Ethnicity is created and recreated as various groups and interests put forth competing visions of the ethnic composition of society and argue over which rewards or sanctions should be attached to which identities" (Nagel 239). There is a very complicated relationship between identity groups. Ethnicity creation occurs from both within the group itself, as well as externally from other groups which aim to place stigmas and connotations to that ethnicity as well. Here, Nagel states that "externally enforced ethnic boundaries can be powerful determinants of both the content and meaning of particular identities" (Nagel 243). An ethnicity can be fluid, only in the boundaries the external society has placed upon it. Moreover, social connotations can easily become more powerful through adapting political agendas. The politicization of ethnicity is primarily based on the preconceptions a society has upon certain identities. This is then transferred into a more powerful political sphere that allows for greater external control and definition.
Nicholasa Mohr's short story "The English Lesson" shows supporting elements to Nagel's thesis. The story presents a majority of the foreign language speakers in the class as "Spanish-speaking. The majority was American citizens" (Mohr 22). This feeds on the concept that they are Americans, but not assimilated into the melting pot. The students are learning English out of basic necessity, but will continue to speak their native language in the constant reconstruction of their ethnic identities. They want better jobs, and since the external society imposes certain sanctions on that status, they must learn English; "All had similar statements. They had migrated here in search of a better future, were living with relatives, and worked as unskilled laborers" (Mohr 25). External predisposition leads the majority society to place limitations and barriers on particular ethnic groups. For example, Mrs. Hamma over-exaggerates her importance to the ethnic group she serves; "she was convinced that this small group of people desperately needed her services" (Mohr 22). Meanwhile, Mrs. Hamma herself is a product of immigrants, as her grandparents were German born. Her assertion of this fact shows her own evocation of her ethnic identity when it is appropriate, showing how ethnicity is even fluid within a white context. Yet, the students have a sense of camaraderie with one another because they define themselves within similar cultural contexts. Many have second jobs, and so have an understanding of what each other go through, despite ethnic differences. There is also the example of William and Lali. Lali opens up to William, where she is extremely shy with who she believes to be outsiders, like Rudi. This is based on a common ethnic bond, as she feels more comfortable with him and therefore allows herself to avoid her shyness through the invocation of her ethnic identity.
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