Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gang as transnational security threats

¶ … predominantly Latino Gangs, Mara Salvatrucha (aka MS-13), and the 18th Street Gang operating on the streets of communities across America. This study is significant because it will provide a snapshot in time concerning how these violent gangs operate in this country in ways that can inform and alert both civilian society and government agencies concerning optimal responses to the problem created by these gangs. Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis of documentary evidence and governmental statistics about the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gang, this study developed several conclusive findings on the negative effects of these groups in the United States. The Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gang are becoming transnational criminal organizations given the fact that they originated in Central America and Mexico and have since expanded their operations abroad. Despite efforts by national and international law enforcement to curtail these gangs' criminal behaviors, they maintain their ties with their gang associates in these countries. Moreover, gang members engage in criminal activities that were highly organized. They also moved through networks that continued to gain sophistication. Drug trafficking, gun running, violence, robbery, extortion are some of the heinous crimes committed by these groups. These gangs disturb peace and order in the community, destroy personal properties and endanger the lives of citizens. These two gangs may establish an organized criminal enterprise capable of coordinating illegal activities across national borders. Nonetheless, with complete disregard to the laws of this land including immigration laws, these groups are considered a threat to the security of the country, but this level is considered comparable to any highly organized street gang that supports its activities with criminal enterprises. In sum, the dangers posed by Mara Salvatrucha and the 18th Street as well as other comparable criminal organizations should not be underestimated.

Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction

Statement of the Problem

Purpose of Study

Research Questions

Importance of Study

Chapter 2: Review of Related Literature

Chapter 3: Methodology

Description of the Study Approach

Data-gathering Method and Database of Study

Chapter 4: Data Analysis

Chapter 5: Discussion

Chapter 6: Summary, Conclusions and Recommendations

ARE the MARA SALVATRUCHA and 18TH STREET GANG a THREAT to U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY?

The maras present a serious threat to the democracies, economies, and security of Latin America. They overwhelm the governments, the police, and the legal systems with their sheer audacity, violence, and numbers. -- Steven C. Boraz and Thomas C. Bruneau, 2006

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Statement of the Problem

The epigraph above is reflective of the widely held views of many law enforcement authorities in the United States and abroad that the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gangs represent a clear and present threat to the national security of many countries. The transnational gang Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13), the 18th Street Gang and other drug trafficking organizations represent a challenge to a number of Central and Latin American governments (Reveron, 2010). In fact, in many countries in the world, transnational actors wage "wars of globalization," defined as "the illegal trafficking of drugs, small arms, and humans, violations of intellectual property, and money laundering" (Reveron, 2010, p. 18). Among transnational criminal activities, illegal drug production and trafficking pose a full spectrum of threats to state sovereignty and human security (Reveron, 2010; Franco, 2008). With tens (some say hundreds) of thousands of members worldwide, MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang are among the most threatening of these transnational criminal organizations. In fact, the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) reported in 2008 that MS-13 was "America's most dangerous gang" and was active "in at least 42 states ... And ha[d] about 6,000 to 10,000 members nationwide" (quoted in Lineberger & Padgett, 2011, p. 13). At present, the FBI estimates that there are more than 60,000 MS-13 members worldwide (Lineberger & Padgett, 2011). The Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gang pose a growing threat not only to society, but also to the national security of the United States of America. With their growing level of organization, sophistication, and activities in our communities, these gangs threaten to undermine the fabric of society by their actions that represent the menace to the social order.

The MS-13 Gang has about 3,500 members in Los Angeles County; however, the 18th Street Gang also numbers around 10,000 in this county alone (Vasquez & Marquardt, 2003). According to Vasques and Marquardt, "The Eighteenth Street Gang is considered the largest gang in Los Angeles, with more than ten thousand members. In contrast to the MS, the Eighteenth has a reputation for being panethnic. It has moved from its Chicano origins in the Pico Union District of Los Angeles and is now dominated by Salvadorans" (p. 126).

Membership in both the 18th Street Gang as well as MS-13 has swollen in recent years, as well as in their organizational sophistication in recent years and the bloodthirsty nature of their criminal activities have intimidated and even overwhelmed the security forces of many of the emerging democracies in Central America (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006). According to Boraz and Bruneau, "Altogether, these maras represent a significant threat to the security of the countries in the region. Numerous national, binational, multinational, regional, and hemispheric conferences have sought to address the problem" (p. 37). It is clear that the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street are two dangerous gangs that are highly organized and tend to have a higher level of criminal involvement than any other gangs established in the United States. They will change the way they operate and deviate from the norm, depending on strategies implemented by the police. They adapt to all the police methods and tactics that have been use against them. Furthermore, their increased number of connections beyond the borders of the United States is very alarming. Clearly, these gangs pose a growing national security threat as they increase in number and resources. Understanding these social actors is crucial to instituting public policies and building social movements that can both reduce violence and erode the deep-seated inequalities that all too often are reinforced by present economic, social, and military policies (Hagedorn, 2005). The national responses to these growing threats to security have differed, but all have been based on toughening existing laws or enacting new legislation that carries stiffer penalties for gang-related activities. For instance, Mcfarland (2008) reports that, "Repressive legislation and police policies have been used. Examples are the proliferation of gang databases in police departments and a 1997 court order that placed a curfew on [members] of the Eighteenth Street Gang in Los Angeles and made it illegal for more than two identified gang members to congregate" (p. 122).

Because unilateral, bilateral and multinational initiatives have largely failed to address the problem, it is apparent that alternative approaches must be considered, an issue that relates to the purpose of this study which is set forth below.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was three-fold as follows:

1. To deliver a critical analysis of the relevant quantitative data concerning gang membership, incarceration and deportation levels for MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang.

2. To provide a qualitative review of the relevant peer-reviewed and scholarly literature concerning transnational gangs such as MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang.

3. To provide a series of recommendations based on the findings that emerged from the foregoing quantitative and qualitative analysis.

Research Questions

This study was guided by the following research question: "Do the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gang represent a threat to U.S. national security?"

Significance of the Study

The study of gangs is significant because of the unprecedented globalization where states are under the pressure of neoliberal policies, strengthening of cultural resistance identities including fundamentalist religion, nationalism, hip-hop culture, marginalization of many sectors of society. In addition study the institutionalization of gang to the point that they challenge the authority of law and the state.

This study hypothesized a significant contribution to the following:

Society

The society is the sector most affected by the presence of these gangs. They also play an important role in the maintenance of peace and order in their community. In order for them to address the problem caused by these gangs, it is necessary for them to identify members and to determine the extent of danger they pose to their community. They need to understand that these gang members do not move in simple street crimes, but they are more organized and can endanger not only their tranquility; however, their lives as well.

Police Officers

This study provides an overview to police officers on the extent of presence of these gangs in the community. It will help them become aware of the movements and activities of these groups. Police can prosecute criminals based on evidence gathered after the crime and at the same time they can warn citizens of the pending activities of these gangs. This study will open the eyes of the police officers about the need to perform diligently and to adapt their tactics to the ever evolving manner of operations of these gangs.

Government

Since gang-related crimes fall within the jurisdiction of state, this research will give an insight on the need to find solutions that increasingly include all levels of government. Congress needs to pass legislation that will change immigration enforcement laws and make more aliens deportable. In addition, the federal government should take a more active participation in helping local and state jurisdictions develop anti-gang responses. The local, state and federal governments must take a stand, and combine forces to combat the immigration problem that continue to plague this country into the next generation.

Importance of the Study

The die has been cast, there is no turning the clock back now and the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gang have established themselves in the United States and far beyond. The origins of the current situation with MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang date back to the late 1980s and early 1990s when the Salvadoran civil war produced a mass exodus to the United States and thousands of children of Salvadoran refugees who had fled for their lives frequently found themselves joining the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Eighteenth Street gangs as a matter of survival. For instance, Lineberger and Padgett (2011) advise that, "Of the estimated 701,000 Salvadoran immigrants, a substantial number sought sanctuary in southern California. Characterized by illegal status in the United States, a majority of the Salvadoran newcomers remained in poverty, constantly fearing arrest and deportation" (p. 9). During the early 1990s, the mass deportation policies that were followed for gang members that were adjudicated guilty of crimes in the United States resulted in El Salvador receiving seasoned gang members and the American-style gang culture (Kontos, Brotheron & Barrios, 2003). According to these authorities, "Within just a few years, veteran gang members were making names for themselves on the west coast of El Salvador and a short time later, on the country's east coast as well" (Kontos, Brotherton & Barrios, 2003, p. xv).

The results of an analysis of the security threat represented by these criminal gangs conducted by Boraz and Bruneau (2006) support these findings and add that the maras emerged from conflicts in E1 Salvador, as well as Guatemala and Nicaragua during the 1980s. According to these authorities, "Thousands of people fled north, including a large number of young men who had fought on the governments' side or with the insurgents. Many of these young men went to Los Angeles, but because they were poorly educated, few were able to find work" (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006, p. 63).

With their origins in a troubled land and with few or no marketable skills, these young Latin Americans found themselves in an environment where they could only survive if they used what they knew. In this regard, Boraz and Bruneau (2006) emphasize that, "In a city already structured in terms of gangs, their familiarity with guns and armed combat was their one advantage. Some were incorporated into such neighborhood gangs as the African -- American Crips and Bloods; the Mexican-American, illegal-immigrant gang EME; and the Mexican Mafia" (p. 63). It is significant that even if these young people do manage to make it to the United States and evade detection by law enforcement and resist the powerful inducements to join MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang by one of their numerous cliques, they do not receive any special treatment from the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (formerly INS), even though such rejection places them at potential risk from gang members and law enforcement authorities alike. In this regard, the U.S. Department of Justice's Board of Immigration Appeals specifically held that:

Neither Salvadoran youth who have been subjected to recruitment efforts by the MS-13 gang and who have rejected or resisted membership in the gang based on their own personal, moral, and religious opposition to the gang's values and activities nor the family members of such Salvadoran youth constitute a 'particular social group' asylum and therefore [does not afford] protection under the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. (24 I&N Dec. 579-2008)

This policy means that young Salvadorans have few options available to them but to join up with some of the most vicious street gangs in the world just to survive: "Indeed, the Mara Salvatrucha are often compared to their notorious northern counterparts in Los Angeles -- the Crips and the Bloods" (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007, p. 102). A survey conducted of more than one thousand gang members from the 18th Street Gang and Mara Salvatrucha in San Salvador provides some indication that the majority of these gang members are seeking respect and friendship, as well as a personal identity and some type of replacement for the families they have lost (Kontos et al., 2003). According to these researchers, "Twice as many respondents considered drug addiction their biggest problem as compared with the next-highest-ranked problem, unemployment. When asked about their future dreams, jobs topped the list, followed by a stable family" (Kontos et al., 2003, p. 290). More than 80% of the youths interviewed reported that violence was a negative factor of gang life that they would like to see ended, and almost 7 in 10 of these gang members said they had lost a family member or close friend as a result of gang activity (Kontos et al., 2003). Moreover, more than 50% of the respondents indicated they had been injured seriously enough to require hospitalization as result of their gang involvement and almost all of the gang members participating in the survey were "fatalistic about change and skeptical of politics" (Kontos et al., 2003, p. 290).

Notwithstanding the initial pattern of dissemination within the U.S., more and more of these Salvadoran immigrants were drawn together through national and cultural ties and these disenfranchised youths gravitated towards their own gang affiliation in the MS-13 or 18th Street Gang, but with little love lost between the two organizations. According to Bruneau and Boraz, "Some of the men, especially those from El Salvador, joined the multi-ethnic 18th Street Gang. Other Salvadorans founded the Mara Salvatrucha (Group of Smart, or savvy, Salvadorans) 13, or MS-13, to compete with the 18th Street Gang because they believed the Salvadorans in that gang were traitors" (p. 64). The name of the MS-13 gang was also taken from the street where many of them originally lived, just as the 18th Street Gang did (Bruneau & Boraz, 2006). Given their propensity for violent crime and illegal activities, it was not long before these gang members ran afoul of the American criminal justice system and many were sentenced to prison in the U.S., where most of them simply learned new criminal skills and techniques or honed their existing ones (Bruneau & Boraz, 2006).

After the federal government tightened immigration laws in the 1990s and the civil conflicts in Guatemala and El Salvador subsided, law enforcement authorities opted to deport many of these gang members to their countries of origin when they had completed serving their prison sentences (Bruneau & Boraz, 2006). Following their return to their respective countries and cities of origin, including San Salvador, Guatemala City and San Pedro Sula, the now-hardened and street-smart maras were able to exploit the war-ravaged societies to their advantage. According to Bruneau and Boraz, "Clicas (cliques, cells, or groups) deported from the United States established MS-13 in San Salvador in 1992, replacing less violent and less sophisticated gangs. The 18th Street Gang became M-18 and was established in El Salvador in 1996 with three clicas" (2006, p. 64). Capitalizing on these initial footholds, and membership in both MS-13 and the 18th Street Gangs rapidly increased as they drove out less experienced, less violent and less organized gangs.

Although precise figures are difficult to come by, current estimates by El Salvador's National Police (PNC) indicate that there are around 36,000 MS-13 and 18th Street Gang members in Honduras, 14,000 in Guatemala, 11,000 in El Salvador, 4,500 in Nicaragua, 2,700 in Costa Rica, 1,400 in Panama, and 100 in Belize (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006). These figures total approximately 70,000 members from these just two gangs in these Central American countries. Besides the 18th Street Gang and MS-13, there are other active gangs in these Central American countries, including La Maquina (the Machine) in El Salvador; La Mau Mau, Los Batos Locos, and Los Rockeros (the Rockers) in Honduras; the Gerber Boys and Los Charly in Nicaragua; in addition, there are the Los Cholos (the Half Breeds), Los Nicas (the Nicaraguans), and Los Batos Locos (the Crazy Boys) in Guatemala; La Mau Mau (this name was taken from the name of rebels in Kenya and a notorious New York gang in the 1950s) (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006).

It is important to note, though, that the MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang are not restricted to these Central American countries and have expanded their transnational operations to a global level in recent years. In fact, although total membership numbers are difficult to gauge, current estimates indicate these organizations are assuming near-army level numbers in many countries and taken together, the 18th Street Gang and the Mara Salvatrucha constitute a clear and present security threat to the countries in which they operate. In this regard, Kowalski (2010) estimates that there are at least 10,000 active MS-13 gang members in the United States alone, operating in virtually all 50 states. In addition, Canada and Mexico have large contingents of MS-13 members (Kowalski, 2010). Furthermore, MS-13 is believed to be active throughout Asia, Oceania, Europe, the Middle East and Africa, including the Congo, Morocco, Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, South Africa, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Angola, Cameroon, and Nigeria (Kowalski, 2010).

Although their membership levels fluctuate, these ultra-violent gangs are clearly growing across the board on a global basis. In terms of the threat to national security represented by this growth, an editor for the Washington Times cautions that, "Mara Salvatruchas (MS or MS-13) . . . also interacts with the South American drug gangs and terrorist organizations. They have grown from being an effective street gang to a full-fledged paramilitary organization, complete with training, resources and international relationships with some of the world's most dangerous organizations" (p. 66).

Given that the world is already replete with countless "dangerous organizations," being ranked among the most dangerous should give pause to anyone who questions the national security threat represented by these gangs. Moreover, the danger represented by the maras extends far beyond the national borders in the countries in which they currently operate. For example, Salvato (2007) emphasizes that, "The maras can function as networks, with extensive transnational linkages. They have internal functional branches specializing in recruiting; logistics; attacks; intelligence collection and propaganda; and murder, drug trafficking, and extortion" (p. 66). In this environment, identifying opportunities to address the growing threat represented by the 18th Street Gang and Mara Salvatrucha is a timely and valuable enterprise and these issues are discussed further below in Chapter 2.

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW of the LITERATURE

The 18th Street Gang

Origins and Location. The 18th Street Gang, also known as Eighteen Street, or Mara 18, is a Los Angeles-based street gang comprised primarily of Hispanic members (Franco, 2008). The origins of the 18th Street Gang can be traced to the 1960s, to a location near 18th Street and Union Avenue in the Rampart district of Los Angeles (Franco, 2008). Today, the 18th Street Gang is one of El Salvador's largest street gangs and Mara Salvatrucha is their most common rival (18th Street Gang, 2012). In fact, it is estimated that there are between 8,000 and 20,000 members of 18th Street gang in Los Angeles County alone. The latest figures from the U.S. Department of Justice's National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC) estimate 18th Street Gang membership at between 30,000 and 50,000 nationwide. Consequently, the 18th Street Gang is one of the biggest street gangs in the country, and the Department of Justice estimates that 18th Street Green membership to more than 100,000 in the Americas, making the 18th Street Gang one of the largest criminal organizations in the world. Like the Mara Salvatrucha, 18th Street Gang members also distinguish themselves by tattoos and gang signs (Pollack, 2005).

In addition, gang members in the 18th Street Gang also use cryptic, at least to the uninitiated, number references to reflect their affiliation, including the number 18 in Arabic or Roman numerals; in addition, members of the 18th Street Gang also engage in graffiti to mark their territory (Pollack, 2005). Most of them are Mexicans and Chicanos with some Salvadoran members and a few blacks. Statistics have revealed that many of the members of this particular gang are illegal immigrants in the United States and are most predominantly located in the state of California. Composed of several small gangs, members of the individual factions can number from fifty to several hundred each. Factions of the 18th Street Gang are diffused throughout the county in areas like San Fernando Valley, San Gabriel Valley, South Bay, South Los Angeles, and downtown Los Angeles. Their stronghold and oldest barrio are located east of the Staples center between the Harbor 110 Freeway (east) and Hoover Avenue (west). However, this gang also now operates in numerous states throughout the country.

The 18th Street Gang members are also known for their huge tattoos on their bodies. They are also involved in illegal activities and various crimes such as murder, grand larceny, drug trafficking and other heinous crimes. In terms of the frequency of rampant violence, the Mara 18 is found to be the most violent of all the gangs that have been established in America. Like the MS-13, the 18th Street gang observes complete disobedience to law enforcement officers and the laws of this country.

What is known for certain is that 18th Street is a well established gang that is involved in all types of criminal activity and the list continues to grow. Some 18th Street Gang members have even become involved in producing fraudulent Immigration and Naturalization identification cards and food stamps. Several 18th Street gang members have evolved into a higher level of sophistication and organization than other gangs. This progression is credited to the gang's close relationship with Mexican and Colombian drug cartels. They also have been linked to occurrences of murder, murder-for-hire, assaults, drug trafficking, extortion, vandalism, drug smuggling, prostitution, robbery, weapons trafficking, as well as other serious crimes (Mara Salvatrucha, 2012).

The majority of 18th Street cliques operating throughout the United States and abroad are the result of Los Angeles members' migrating to other areas and establishing cliques under their leadership. Members originally from Los Angeles tend to be more respected than those in other areas, because these particular gang members hold a different status in the hierarchy of the membership. The 18th Street cliques have been identified in 37 states and the District of Columbia in the United States, as well as a number of other foreign countries, including many in Central America such as El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Guatemala.

Membership/Hierarchy. Membership in the 18th Street Gang was originally restricted to Mexican nationals only. While most members in this gang tend to be of Mexican descent, membership has been opened to other backgrounds in recent years, including Central American, African-American, Middle Eastern, Asian, Caucasian and Native Americans. Currently, 18th Street has a loose hierarchical structure. Although the gang is well networked throughout the nation, Mexico, and Central America, there is no known central leadership nationally or internationally that fully controls this gang. Cliques generally function independently, but will join forces when combating rival gang members or law enforcement officers. In contrast to the structured hierarchy that characterizes the Mara Salvatrucha, the 18th Street Gang has a less organized command structure (Mara Salvatrucha, 2012).

Gang markings. As with many street gangs, 18th Street Gang members can be easily identified by their tattoos. A common identifier is the number 18, which is usually represented in the Roman Numeral (XVIII) (XV3) and sometimes they also use 666 or 99 (6+6+6=18 / 9+9=18). Some use the number 5 meaning the fifth letter of the Alphabet, they also tattoo themselves with the word BEST, which stands for Barrio Eighteen Street. Members engage in graffiti to mark their territory as is most common with gangs.

Culture. Members of the 18th Street Gang are expected to conform to a strict set of rules. For instance, gang members are forbidden from using crack cocaine and other hard drugs even though they may deal in these substances. Failure to obey the word of a gang leader, or to demonstrate appropriate respect to a fellow gang member can has serious repercussion, including an 18-second beating, or even death for more serious offenses. According to the Los Angeles Police Department, some factions of the 18th Street gang have developed a high level of sophistication and organization. This is attributed to the gang's connections with Mexican and Colombian drug cartels. The 18th Street gang is occasionally referred to as the "Children's Army" because of its recruitment of elementary and middle-school aged youth. In addition, 18th Street gang members typically wear brown or black pants with a white tee-shirt. In the alternative, members of the 18th Street Gang sometimes also wear jerseys from professional sports teams. Irrespective of their attire, 18th Street Gang members are considered heavily armed and dangerous in America.

Criminal Activity. The 18th Street Gang is a well established organization that is involved in all areas of criminal activity. Some members have even become involved in producing fraudulent Immigration and Naturalization identification cards and food stamps. Several 18th Street gang members have evolved into a higher level of sophistication and organization than other gangs. This progression is credited to the gang's close relationship with Mexican and Colombian drug cartels. They also have been linked to occurrences of murder, murder-for-hire, assaults, drug trafficking, extortion, vandalism, drug smuggling, prostitution, robbery, weapons trafficking, as well as other serious tumultuous crimes.

Barrio Diesciocho/Mara 18.

Pico union was being populated by Salvadoran Immigrants and being one of the many turfs of the 18th Street gang, they allowed these Salvadoran immigrants to join because of their knowledge of warfare. At a point later on, some Salvadoran didn't like the idea of being under the 18th Street gang. Sufficient in quantity, the Salvadorans easily formed the Mara Salvatrucha. 18th Street gang did not want to allow them to take over that area, so like other rivals they fought for that area and respect. What followed was the dreadful war for the control of the area. The turf war was so vicious that other Salvadoran and other Central American immigrants had to join one gang for protection from the other gang. When many of the gang members got deported, they took the pride and the grudge of the 18th street gang to those countries. This led their rivalry to expand and engage in the notorious gang war of Central America between the 18th Street Gang and the Mara Salvatrucha. Both of these gangs have become rivals since their inception and remained that way to this present day. Taken together, the foregoing trends suggest that MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang are not only threats to national security in many of the Central American countries where they have a massive presence, their numbers continue to grow and they are expanding into ever-larger geographical regions around the world as shown in Chapter 4 below, preceded by a description of the study's qualitative and quantitative methodology in Chapter 3 below.

Chapter 3:

Methodology

Description of the Study Approach

This study used a qualitative review of the relevant peer-reviewed and scholarly literature together with a quantitative analysis of these sources together with various governmental and media resources as its study approach. This approach is consistent with the guidance provided by Wallen and Fraenkel (2001) that, "Researchers usually dig into the literature to find out what has already been written about the topic they are interested in investigating. Both the opinions of experts in the field and other research studies are of interest. Such reading is referred to as a review of the literature" (p. 52). There are a number of valuable outcomes that can be achieved through a well conducted literature review, including the following:

1. It helps describe a topic of interest and refine either research questions or directions in which to look;

2. It presents a clear description and evaluation of the theories and concepts that have informed research into the topic of interest;

3. It clarifies the relationship to previous research and highlights where new research may contribute by identifying research possibilities which have been overlooked so far in the literature;

4. It provides insights into the topic of interest that are both methodological and substantive;

5. It demonstrates powers of critical analysis by, for instance, exposing taken for granted assumptions underpinning previous research and identifying the possibilities of replacing them with alternative assumptions;

6. It justifies any new research through a coherent critique of what has gone before and demonstrates why new research is both timely and important (Wood & Ellis, 2003).

Likewise, the use of both qualitative and quantitative information is consistent with Neuman's (2003) advice that, "Both qualitative and quantitative research use several specific research techniques (e.g., survey, interview, and historical analysis), yet there is much overlap between the type of data and the style of research. Most qualitative-style researchers examine qualitative data and vice versa" (p. 51).

Therefore, a qualitative analysis can help provide new insights concerning these gangs that might go otherwise undiscerned, and a quantitative analysis of their respective memberships can provide support for these conclusions. The resources consulted for the qualitative literature review component and quantitative analysis were found in public and university libraries, as well as reliable online research sources such as EBSCO and Questia as well as governmental, domain experts in gang activity and media sources.

Data-gathering Method and Database of Study

The study consulted juried articles and scholarly sources published in journals in public and university libraries, as well as reliable online research resources such as EBSCO and Questia. In addition, governmental resources such as the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services were also consulted.

Chapter 4:

Data Analysis

As noted throughout, hard figures are difficult to come by in estimating gang membership levels in the United States and abroad, but some indication of their numbers can be discerned from recent estimates as shown in Table 1 below.

Table 1

Current Estimates of MS-13 and 18th Street Gang Membership

Country

18th Street Gang

Source

Honduras

18,000

18,000

Boraz & Bruneau, 2006*

Guatemala

7,000

7,000

Boraz & Bruneau, 2006*

Belize

50

50

Boraz & Bruneau, 2006*

Nicaragua

2,250

2,250

Boraz & Bruneau, 2006*

Costa Rica

1,350

1,350

Boraz & Bruneau, 2006*

El Salvador

11,000

Boraz & Bruneau, 2006*

Central America

250,000

Walker

2012

Note: Authors did not break down membership in these countries by gang; totals represent half of their total estimate for each gang

Current estimates of MS-13 and 18th Street Gang membership in the United States only is provided in Table 2 below.

Table 2

Current Estimates of MS-13 and 18th Street Gang Membership in the United States

Source

18th Street Gang

Low Estimate

High Estimate

Low Estimate

High Estimate

Franco

2008

30,000

8,000

10,000

Vasquez & Marqaurdt

2003

10,000

Boraz & Bruneau

2008

20,000

Kowalski

2010

100,000

NDIC

2010

30,000

50,000

Lineberger & Padgett

2008

6,000

10,000

Walker

2012

15,000

Mara Salvatrucha 13

2012

10,000

FBI

2012

6,000

10,000

Gangland: 18th Street Gang

2012

30,000

These low and high estimates for the MS-13 and 18th Street Gang are depicted graphically in Figure 2 below.

Figure 2. Low and High Estimates of MS-13 and 18th Street Gang Membership in the U.S.

Finally, the few recent reports from the U.S. Department of Justice concerning these street gangs are recapitulated in Table 3 below.

Table 3

Recent Reports from the Field

Source

Report

Comments

Burack (2012, February), MS-13 gang members sentenced to life in prison

Five MS-13 gang members who wreaked havoc throughout San Francisco by fatally slashing and shooting real and imagined rivals were sentenced to life in prison. Federal Judge William Alsup repeatedly condemned the gang's vicious behavior -- which resulted in the murders of several bystanders merely suspected of being enemies. "The violent and deadly nature of these offenses committed by this enterprise & #8230; all of these warrant a life sentence," Alsup told Moris "Slow Pain" Flores, 22, one of the gang's leaders. A sixth defendant, Guillermo "Sparky" Herrera, 22, is scheduled to be sentenced Dec. 7 and also faces a life sentence.

Prosecutors said the gang committed dozens of shootings and stabbings as it sought to expand its reach in San Francisco, attacking rivals and extorting low-level criminals in their territory. The judge acknowledged that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents mismanaged their informants, one of whom lied about his role in eight murders in Honduras, scuttling his planned testimony. Another informant admitted committing crimes even while aiding federal investigators.

U.S. Department of Justice (2012, February 16)

There have been three consecutive federal trials of members of the 20th Street clique of MS-13. Six MS-13 gang members were convicted in August 2011 after a five-month trial that involved more than 150 witnesses. The six gang members -- Marvin Carcamo, aka "Psycho"; Angel Noel Guevara, aka "Peloncito"; Erick Lopez, aka "Spooky"; Moris Flores, aka "Slow Pain"; Jonathan Cruz-Ramirez, aka "Soldado"; and Luis Herrera's brother Guillermo Herrera, aka "Sparky" -- were each sentenced to life in prison in December 2011.

A federal jury also convicted the sole defendant in the third trial, Manuel Franco, aka "Dreamer," on one count of violent crime in aid of racketeering (VICAR) conspiracy.

These cases were prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Wilson Leung, Wil Frentzen, Derek Owens, Andrew Scoble and David Hall of the Organized Crime Strike Force of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Northern District of California, and Trial Attorney Theryn G. Gibbons of the Criminal Division's Organized Crime and Gang Section. These cases were investigated by Daly City Police Department, San Francisco Police Department and ICE Homeland Security Investigations.

U.S. Department of Justice (2012, May 11)

Four high-ranking members of an entrenched criminal street gang were found guilty this afternoon of participating in a racketeering enterprise responsible for the September 2007 shooting of a street vendor near MacArthur Park that resulted in the murder of a 3-week-old infant.

Following an eight-week trial, a federal jury convicted the four defendants, three of whom are members of the Columbia Lil' Cycos (CLCS), which is a "clique" of the 18th Street gang.

After being found guilty of a host of federal offenses, all four defendants now face potential sentences of life without parole in federal prison.

The four defendants found guilty today are: Eduardo Hernandez, 35; Vladimir Iraheta, 31; Leonidas Iraheta, 31; Javier Perez, 35. The offenses included the fatal shooting of a 3-week-old infant.

CHAPTER 5:

DISCUSSION CONCERNING THREATS AGAINST National Security

According to Chase-Dunn, Jonas and Amaro (2008), "The term "national security" or more precisely, the security of the nation-state, refers to the safeguarding of the state's sovereignty over the territory and population within its borders, and implies that the state should have policies to confront any threat to that sovereignty" (p. 102).

By contrast, the term "public security" is defined by these authors as "the maintenance of civil order necessary for the execution of basic societal functions (e.g., transactions, transportation, or communication) as well as the upholding of the rule of law" and the term "citizen security" refers to "the capacity of individuals and groups to enjoy or exercise the political, economic and civil rights that correspond to the status of a citizen in a given society" (p. 102).

At present, Mara Salvatrucha is widely regarded a significant threat to both public security and citizen security, but their activities have not yet risen to the level of a direct threat to the sovereignty of the United States (except perhaps in the areas of Los Angeles where they are deemed entrenched). Nevertheless, public security and citizen security are essential components of national security, and because both are threatened by the existence of the Maras, it could be extrapolated that the maras represent a clear and present threat to the population within the borders of the United States, and as such is a threat to national security. The research to date, though, does not reflect any evidence of a specific connection between either MS-13 or the 18th Street Gang and attempts to smuggle terrorists into the United States (Franco, 2008).

Nevertheless, there is no debate on the threat of the maras to many Central American countries because these gangs represent a threat against all three types of security levels:

1. Citizens cannot go about their business without the fear of being robbed or killed in their neighborhoods.

2. Businesses such as commerce and transport are prevented from operating unless they pay off the Maras; in fact, entire sections of some cities, such as Guatemala City and Tegucigalpa, are under the control of Maras.

3. Entire sections of countries, such as the Peten in Guatemala, slip from the state's sovereign control (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006, p. 63).

Furthermore, while the maras are still considered to be a major source of criminal activities in cities across the United States, the situation in most of Central America is far more serious because of the state of their economic development as well as the political institutions that are trying to carve democratic societies from the legacies of the past (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006). In most countries where they are active, law enforcement authorities continue to struggle to keep track of these gangs through intelligence gathering activities that are thwarted by their inviolable secrecy. These are the respective definition and description of the three levels of security that must be kept protected in order to say that we are living in a free, democratic country.

Analyzing the said definition, protection of these three levels, Citizen Security is basically police work, where law enforcement protects and serves the citizens. Public Security depending on the situation is essentially police work and could be in cooperation with the military. Finally, to reach the highest level of National Security, a joint function of the federal government and the military, with support from local and state police, is a defensive task, confined to the boundaries of the United States.

In recent times however that was not the case. Moreover, anything that pose danger to the supremacy of the United States and anything that pose a challenge to its role as the world's only superpower may be perceived as a threat to our national security. The United States presently assumes the role of world's policeman and to further that role, anything that is perceived as a threat to the world peace and anything that challenges the authority of world hegemony, is a threat to our national security.

The overriding concern now facing law enforcement is how rapidly the threats from terrorists and criminals are changing, particularly in terms of technology, and the resulting challenge to law enforcement's ability to keep pace with those who wish to do harm to our nation and our nation's citizens. There is a continued and ever increasing regularity that allows drug lords, terrorists and even violent gangs to communicate about their criminal intentions with impunity and to maintain electronically stored evidence of their crimes impervious to lawful search and seizure.

Technological Advancement

Today, national security issues go beyond the passage of classified military information. In many instances, many individuals have infiltrated the intelligence service apparatus, they might not be foreign sponsored, but may be home grown terrorists networks. They engage in clandestine activity that is inimical to the security and economic well-being of the United States. As current trends continue, our security and intelligence forces must keep a step ahead of potential threats.

The change in the intelligence environment includes the growing importance of maintaining the integrity of our country's information infrastructure that all Americans depend on. Our vast growing dependence on computer networks and telecommunications has made the United Stated increasingly vulnerable to possible cyber attacks against its infrastructures allowing terrorists and criminals to target our military war rooms, power plants, telephone networks, air traffic control centers and banks.

International Terrorism

Another major threat is the international terrorism directed at Americans and U.S. national interests. Although the number of attacks directed at American interests remains comparatively low, the trend toward more large-scale incidents designed for maximum destruction, terror, and media impact actually places more Americans at risk today. As recent tragedies demonstrate, this threat confronts Americans both at home and abroad. America's democratic tradition and global presence make Americans a fast, and often all-too-easy, target for opportunists who are willing to kill innocent victims to further their extremist and ideological causes.

State-sponsored terrorisms which include countries such as Iran, Iraq, Syria, Sudan, Libya, Cuba, and North Korea violate every convention of international law. Although terrorists activities of Cuba and North Korea have declined as their economies have deteriorated, the activities of other states especially of the Middle East countries have intensified during the past several years.

Another international terrorist group consists of Middle East fundamentalists and extremist groups. These formalized terrorist groups are autonomous. They are generally transnational organizations that have their own infrastructures, personnel, financial arrangements, and training facilities. They are able to plan and mount terrorist campaigns on an international basis, and actively support terrorist activities in the United States. They have followers and sympathizers in the United States who could be used as an instrument to support acts of terrorism in out American soil. The FBI believes that the threat posed by international terrorists in each of these three categories will continue for the foreseeable future due to the increase of Islamic radicals and terrorists who seek to strike a blow to the Unites States and Israel.

The threat of international terrorism, though, demands ongoing vigilance. The terrorists of today have learned from the successes and mistakes of terrorists who have gone before them. The terrorists of tomorrow will have an even more dangerous arsenal of weapons and technologies available to further their destructive ambitions. As new technologies emerge throughout the world the more sophisticate the terrorists become. This compounds the enhanced capabilities of contemporary terrorists, which poses another disturbing aspect of modern terrorism in the world today. As recent events have shown, this "web of terrorism" perpetuates violence upon violence and poses a particular challenge to nations that take a strong stand against terrorism.

Drug Trafficking

The President has stated in PDD-42 that international organized crime and drug trafficking are a threat to national security. Unlike traditional threats to national security, the drug threat is not the result of the political agenda of a terrorist group or foreign government. Instead, it is perpetuated by criminal enterprises that conduct a myriad of egregious acts of violence, corruption, fraud, murder and extortion, all generated by personal greed and a quest for power. Unlike other threats, illicit drug trade is in every street of our urban cities, supporting the same radical terrorist that want to impose fear and destruction of our way of life.

The effects of the economic and political destabilization of other countries indirectly affect our national security. Drug trafficking and international organized crime groups often attempt to thwart enforcement action by bribing or threatening foreign government officials. The United States is not immune to the political, moral and societal debilitation that has occurred in other countries due to the distribution of criminally obtained assets to buy assistance or ensure ignorance from corrupt government officials.

International Organized Crimes

The FBI defines an organized crime group or enterprise as a continuing, self-perpetuating criminal conspiracy, having an organized structure, fed by fear and corruption, and motivated by greed. These groups have established hierarchies, are criminally diverse, organizationally mature, and multi-jurisdictional in their operations and influence.

Not only is the United States law enforcement concerned in the presence of International organized crimes, but also the worldwide law enforcement community. They are engaged in different criminal activities like murder, extortion, corruption of public, arms smuggling officials, bribery, money laundering, drug trafficking, financial fraud, kidnapping, prostitution, and human trafficking. The rapid changes of globalization and technical advances have made these groups become increasingly active worldwide and more dangerous. They have adapted to changes of modern world and this hinders law enforcement efforts against them. Law enforcement must establish new innovations and waves of opportunities to combat the new rise of globalization of criminal collective, or they will undermine our freedoms.

Immigration

Immigration can pose a national security problem by providing new opportunities and advantages for alien terrorists currently operating on American soil. The revelation of the terrorist plot to bomb JFK Airport serves as a timely reminder that alien terrorists are operating in the United States. Another example and terrorist that plotted to attack a military base named Fort Dix in New Jersey. Terrorists are busy thinking of new ways to kill innocent Americans while the Senate thinks of new ways to grant a massive amnesty to twelve to twenty million "illegal aliens." However, this increased pool of talents and skills, longer hours of work for lower salaries, steady market for American products, are the drawbacks weighed against these immigrants. America needs to find solutions to solve the immigration conundrum that has cause a major conflict of enforcing immigration law against too many illegal aliens living in this country.

The "Re-conquest Theory" soused by so many and was detailed in the book "State of Emergency -- the Third World Invasion and Conquest of America," may be far fetched, or even some would call paranoia, although in reality it has become a threat to our national security. Our history shows that we Americans did conquer the territory from the Mexicans. Perhaps they are trying to re-conquer in a different avenue. Our thoughts are reasonable and we are not being paranoid if we thought that we could lose our culture that set Americans unique from the world. The argument in the book by Pat Buchanan is that "immigration (whether legal or illegal) is a threat not only to American jobs, but to America as a country and its overall culture"; that "immigration is the source of failed civilizations throughout history and if not regulated and controlled, America as we know it will become just another dead society" (Buchanan, 2006).

On both sides of the Atlantic many immigrants are now coming to become part of the nations in which they are settling. However, rather assimilating into loyal Americans they take advantage of economic and social welfare opportunities, while maintaining loyalties and allegiances to their native lands or cultures (Kobach, 2007).

Organized Street Gangs

Gangs that occupy the streets of America today are not the same street thugs who used to commit petty crimes. These groups have become more violent, aggressive, and defiant of all kinds of authorities. They engage themselves in criminal activities in a matter in which they move in a more organized business enterprise.

These gangs which move to a global context often persist despite changes in the organizational structure. Not only these groups disturb the peace and order in their communities; nonetheless, the most alarming to authorities is their connection or network they have established throughout the world.

Organized street gangs are becoming easy instrument to any terrorist group that plan to harm our country. Since they deal in the same criminal activities and they work only on greed, power, and hatred, it is not implausible that they might form alliance against the United States of America. In particular, the 18th Street Gang and Mara Salvatrucha are now a very serious problem of the United States. They do not pose a problem to the community or society alone. They threaten the United States in a grander scale. The gang members fight and kill in broad daylight in our cities and towns. These are the young men who do not have an issue with stealing, killing, beating, and dismembering. They are trained survivors and care only for efficiency and expediency. If they need something, they take it. If they are disturbed or threatened, they kill. This is all they know and this is in what they excel in. Civil societies are incredibly soft, slow moving targets for them, as alien to their experience as to have no bearing on their reality.

These gangs now function as criminal enterprises designed to maximize the money and power derived from drug trafficking. With plummeting old rivalries gangs mostly cooperate with different gangs. In some locations, former rival gangs work in "shifts" to sell cocaine and other narcotics. MS-13 members are also known to be involved in all aspects of criminal activity. Some law enforcement sources have reported that because of their ties to their former homeland, MS-13 members have access to sophisticated weapons thus making firearms trafficking one of their many criminal enterprises.

These vicious gangs are the perfect instruments for the organized crime organizations that operate in the country. MS-13 and M-18 are ready-made armies of gunmen, thieves, smugglers, drug dealers. In addition, they are ready instruments for cartels, mafias, and similar organized crime syndicates. They are mercenaries ready for hire anywhere. Equally these two particular gangs maintain their own territories and move only in their own world. Without most of them being technically employed, international terrorists can exploit these gangs who already work in an internal criminal network for the right price. Drug trade finances these gangs and they are present in every major city in the United States. They have infrastructure in place to move and distribute drugs from across the border. The danger currently exists that they will use their network for the right price for trafficking terrorists and weapons into this country.

The concept of transnationalization, which includes the free movement of people, the sharing of culture and improved communications across national borders has assumed another role for criminal entities. In the context of crime policy, particularly after 9/11, this concept of globalization has assumed a possibility for gangs in the United States to become transnational.

This regional problem could very well stretch into a world phenomenon that may have future repercussions to the national security of this country and other countries. Conversely, Colombian and Mexican organized crime elements outsource the dirty work to Central America's street gangs who have their members in the streets of the United States of America. While there is no confirmed documentation between MS-13 and terrorists, the threat has been large enough to draw the attention of both law enforcement and the Pentagon. Together, President Bush and former Secretary Rumsfeld have previously visited Latin America countries to discuss security issues in the recent past. In recent Senate Intelligence Committee testimony, Deputy Homeland Security Secretary Admiral James Loy cited intelligence that "strongly suggests" Al Qaeda operatives have considered using the Mexico border as an entry point, believing they can "pay their way" in this country, illegally (Jehl, 2005). Furthermore, experts believe that the MS-13 and other street gang groups have become more and more involved with the elite organized crime groups that traffic drugs and guns in the region.

The problems associated with stemming the spread and sophistication of MS-13 and M-18 gang activities may reflect current limitations to addressing what is now generally considered a multinational and regional problem. The problems associated with these two gangs cannot be solved by arrests, prosecution, imprisonment, and immigration enforcement alone. The fact that these two gangs exist and operate outside of the United States and beyond the reach of domestic law enforcement agencies, indicates that domestic responses may not fully address the broader problems presented by these two gangs. A possible and more viable solution could be establishing a multilateral and multinational approach in combination with domestic efforts to combat this national threat (Franco, 2008, p. 24). Recent efforts of various federal agencies, working together with the governments of other countries, particularly El Salvador, on their problems with MS-13 and M-18 indicate that the federal response is moving toward a bilateral approach to addressing the problem. Whether the problem of these two gangs continues to be approached as a domestic social issue, a domestic security issue, a multinational/regional issue, or a combination of these concerns has yet to be determined. Congress may consider these and other issues in shaping a legislative response to this complex policy concern.

The phenomenon of gangs is complex, multifaceted, and constantly evolving. The magnetism of gangs has traditionally been thought to be a response to issues associated with poverty and disparities in social opportunities. Although gangs have always been in existence, gangs today are more violent, more organized, and more widespread. Like gangs, international terrorists derive much of their money from the drug trade. There is a growing danger that international terrorist groups will target gangs as potential allies as a source for protection, transportation, money, and weapons. When one is working on greed and the other on hatred, collaboration to further their goals is quite impossible.

Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street gangs are two very dangerous gangs who are highly organized, and set up around a network model (Martin, 2005, p. 23). They use high degrees of violence to achieve an economic goal. Both gangs have access to firearms and some to military weaponry. They both deal drugs in large amounts and are involved in human trafficking. They both have a transnational geographic scope. Their political awareness of most might be low, but some can display signs of growth in political activities. Moreover, both MS-13 and M-18 have a considerably large number of gang members in the United States.

MS-13 and M-18 are the most organized, largest, and the strongest groups that operate within the borders of the United States. The immigration problem and drug crises make these gangs a de facto insurgency (Martin 2005). These groups operate across borders and "know no boundaries." Clearly, these groups pose a growing national security threat to the nation. Many law enforcement authorities agree that two of street gangs that constitute the majority of the gang-related problems in American society are the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street gangs. The MS-13 and 18th Street gangs are rivals fighting for territories. Nevertheless, this friction contributes to the tremendous problem of the communities affected. They have vigorously disrupted the peace and order of the American society. The MS-13 and M-18 acts of violence are not restricted to civilians, rival gang members and clique traitors. They also turn against police officers. Those officers have been cautioned to be wary of MS-13 and M-18 members (Domash, 2004). According to the Los Angeles Police Department, some factions of the 18th Street gang have developed a high level of sophistication and organization (How gangs are identified, 2012). This increased sophisticated and organizational capacity has been attributed to the gang's close connections with Mexican and Colombian drug cartels.

The issue of gang violence, though, has taken a lower priority than the threats posed by Islamic fundamentalists and terrorists. Too many of the violent acts of Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street gang members and other street gangs are more of an everyday threat, though, that is being largely overlooked by the nation's law enforcement and intelligence agencies.

Clearly, America must take caution because if terrorism does not occur today, it will happen when the gangs become involved in the future. According to Kontos et al. (2003), "In 1997, nearly fifteen hundred Salvadorans with criminal records were deported from U.S. streets and prisons, according to INS statistics. In 1998 and 1999, the numbers have increased" (p. 284). These relatively model figures, though, fail to take into account the numerous additional deportations that take place in the firm of "voluntary departures" rather than formal deportations (Kontos et al., 2003).

Moreover, the maras represent a far more insidious threat to national security than a conventional military force because they are clandestine, use asymmetrical warfare methods and are enormously difficult to track and investigate. For example, Reveron emphasizes that, "Whether state-supported, local, transnational, narcoterrorist, Islamist, or neocommunist, these groups have access to a variety of underground economies, religious charities, and illicit government sponsorship" (2010, p. 19). An additional and perhaps inevitable consequence of the scale of the MS-13 phenomenon is the extent to which they adeptly use computers and other technology, much like any other large organization. Dealers, carjackers and lookouts carry wireless phones, pagers, radios and police scanners. Virtual communications suites are publicly available, and it is possible that MS-13 has access to the type of electronics and communications advice for which they may have received training in the past for paramilitary endeavors.

With these criminal organizations functioning at a subnational level, police forces are under-equipped to effectively confront these groups and are too frequently co-opted through corruption. To fill the security void, law enforcement authorities around the world are seeking new ways to address the challenges of transnational threats from gangs such as MS-13 and the 18th Street Gang (Reveron, 2010). In this regard, Reveron emphases that, "These nonstate actors have an inherent advantage over governments. Small private groups can more readily harness off-the-shelf technology such as satellite phones, encryption, and transportation technology" (p. 19). There are indications that Mara Salvatrucha is not merely a street gang. There are indications that beneath the cover of a clique divided street gang. There is a core of a highly organized guerilla group more like the FMLN, with a solid purpose of continuing and extending the class struggle in El Salvador deep into the soils of the United States.

The act of emigration itself combined with the ethnic concentration in Los Angeles meant that a self-selecting group had risen to power to form the "protection" for the whole. Some arrived in the United States having had ties to La Mara, a violent street gang in El Salvador. Many had actually seen fighting in El Salvador's civil war. Ex-members of the paramilitary Farabundo Marti Para la Liberacion Nacional (FMLN) [Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front] also numbered among the early founders of Mara Salvatrucha. The FMLN had fought an insurgency against the Salvadoran government, using guerilla tactics and urban terrorism, and as a result many Salvadorans arrived in Los Angeles as "veterans," already proficient in the use of explosives, firearms and booby traps. The straightforward, fundamental approach to organizing a gang has many advantages and may in fact have its roots from advice brought back from FMLN experience and training provided by the Cuban Director General de Inteligencia (DGI) [Main Directorate of Intelligence].

This apparent simplicity combined with the almost unrivalled brutality of MS-13 should not lead to any false conclusions regarding a lack of sophistication. To the contrary, the simple nature of the organization lends itself well to flexibility, and the wide geographic distribution of the cliques also has resulted in an extensive range of options available from the collective talent pool. By some accounts, many cliques "specialize" in a field or "occupation," from the street-level professions of carjacking and narcotics sales, to computer hacking, wire fraud and other similar "white collar" crimes. Recently, truck hijacking has become popular with MS-13. For example, a truck loaded with nationally advertised toilet articles or paper products can be hijacked by a clique and redistributed to a network of corner stores owned and operated by Middle Eastern and Asian immigrants. Sold at heavily discounted prices, the MS-13 thieves have quickly earned the Robin Hood label of stealing from the rich and giving to the poor. An additional and perhaps inevitable consequence of the scale of the MS-13 phenomenon is the extent to which they adeptly use computers and other technology, much like any other large organization. Dealers, carjackers and lookouts carry wireless phones, pagers, radios and police scanners. Virtual communications suites are publicly available, and it is possible that MS-13 has access to the type of electronics and communications advice for which they may have received training in the past for paramilitary endeavors.

On the internet, MS-13 is not hard to find. Their unabashed contempt for most authorities is reinforced in the photographs they post on their own websites, hailing their achievements against the police, taunting rivals or simply speaking in bravado-soaked language to communicate with one another. These are hi-tech gangs who e-mail, instant message and use online chat rooms interactions that are perfectly normal to their generation of gang members. As with all technologies, it can be sued for the bad and good of mankind.

The development of the MS in El Salvador and Central America is said to have been an unforeseen consequence of the Rodney King riots of 1990 in Los Angeles. In the wake of these riots, a task force was formed by the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, which deported at least 1,000 MS members to El Salvador.

This conclusion that Mara Salvatrucha cliques in El Salvador were formed mainly by El Salvadoran MS-13 members deported back home and that the formation of such cliques in El Salvador (and in other Central American countries) was an indirect result of the said wave of deportation may not be entirely correct. This conclusion is perhaps the result of treating MS-13 and 18th Street Gang as similar and akin in all aspects, but a characteristic that can never be overlooked by law enforcement.

Recently, Nicaragua's National Police Chief Edwin Cordero warned that MS and other Central American gangs have organized procedures for moving new recruits from Nicaragua to El Salvador and Honduras. The new recruits are trained in Mara organization and tactics and then sent home to establish new branches. Cordero also said that the Maras are combining organizational skills used by U.S. street gangs, such as the Crisps and Latin Kings with indoctrination and training skills that former Central American Marxist groups. Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front in El Salvador used during the 1980s.

It is also worth noting that in addition to those deported due to the Rodney King Riots; there were many other unnumbered "voluntary departures" back to El Salvador.

In San Salvador, the MS-13 cadre had two ambitions first, to become involved in a criminal enterprise and become financially secure; second, to return to the United States. In El Salvador, the Maras have established small businesses. Needless to say, they compete unfairly. They use violence against competitors, and they rent themselves out to other businesses, such as bus companies, to intimidate their competition. The Maras' behavior corrupts other businesses because it perpetuates itself and can result in a spiral of violence. Some who monitor Maras wonder what they do with the money they make. They do not pay taxes, and their facilities and equipment are inexpensive. Will they buy up legitimate businesses and pay off government officials, including the police?

Those that remained or returned to the United States wanted financial security, respect based on fear from their immediate community, and power with Maras. At the beginning of this thesis the question that has been asked is whether the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street gang become a threat to our national security. The innovation, technology, knowledge, capability and intimidation does exist. There may not be substantial facts and proofs of terrorist activities. However, they are attempting to dominate regions across various countries with ruthless and violent tactics. If law enforcement doesn't aggressively and tactfully combat the Maras' they will eventually spread like infestation and the threat to our national security will surely be a reality that Americans will face tomorrow. It is foreseeable that if the law enforcement authorities can't curtail the expansions of these gangs then it is inedible that the use of some type of law enforcement combined with military force may be the only final option to stop this destructive force. The security of the greatest nation on this earth is the responsibility of our government.

In many cases, the law enforcement authorities in many lower- to middle-income nations such as Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras are simply overwhelmed and outgunned by the maras, indicating these gangs are actually winning an undeclared war in many regions of the world. In response to the growing threat, a number of bilateral and multilateral initiatives have been launched in an effort to promote information sharing and enhance law enforcement training in the United States and Central America (Lineberger & Padgett, 2011). Although these transnational initiatives have been valuable tools in the fight against the mara, Lineberger and Padgett suggest that, "The outdated and restrictive extradition treaty currently in effect between the United States and El Salvador threatens their success" (2011, p. 9).

Based on their propensity for violence and extensive international networks, the maras represent serious challenges to law enforcement authorities around the world, but especially in Central America and the United States (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006). According to these authorities:

This will be the case if Maras continue to build on their current ability to intimidate political parties and support radical groups. There are signs of this happening now, and if it works, given the Maras' ability to communicate and learn, more such outrages can be expected. The fear is that Central America will go the way of Colombia, with the loss of state control over great territory of the country and the expansion of organized crime based on narcotics and terrorism. (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006, p. 65)

Indeed, threats to national security can assume a number of forms, including thermonuclear war or the use of other weapons of mass destruction, but such threats can also assume less visible and conventional forms and many of the activities that fund the maras represent this type of security threat. In this regard, Reveron emphasizes that, "Drug trafficking affects societies through addiction, crime, and disease. Narcotics production also undermines or weakens effective governance by fostering corruption and providing financial support to terrorism and insurgency" (2010, p. 18).

As a prime example, Reveron (2010) cites the funding of the Taliban in Afghanistan through illicit opium trafficking as well as the cocaine trade that funds the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. In many cases, the maras have gravitated towards free societies where their brand of violence and funding are less easily disrupted and more easily perpetuated. As Reveron points out, "Democratic societies tend to be more vulnerable to drug traffickers because they can bribe, corrupt, and influence politics in regular ways. In general, transnational groups or networks are the sources of these threats" (2010, p. 19). Similarly, Armstrong (2008) emphasizes that so-called "sanctuary cities," especially in California where they number more than 30, offer a relatively safe haven for the Mara Salvatrucha and the 18th Street Gang, a situation he terms "a threat to our national security" (p. 8).

Recently, Nicaragua's National Police Chief Edwin Cordero warned that MS and other Central American gangs have organized procedures for moving new recruits from Nicaragua to El Salvador and Honduras. The new recruits are trained in Mara organization and tactics and then sent home to establish new branches. Cordero also said that the Maras are combining organizational skills used by U.S. street gangs, such as the Crisps and Latin Kings with indoctrination and training skills that former Central American Marxist groups. Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front in El Salvador used during the 1980s. It is also worth noting that in addition to those deported due to the Rodney King Riots; there were many other unnumbered "voluntary departures" back to El Salvador.

In San Salvador, the MS-13 cadre had two ambitions: (a) to become involved in a criminal enterprise and become financially secure; and (b) to return to the United States. In El Salvador, the Maras have established small businesses. Needless to say, they compete unfairly. They use violence against competitors, and they rent themselves out to other businesses, such as bus companies, to intimidate their competition. The Maras' behavior corrupts other businesses because it perpetuates itself and can result in a spiral of violence. Some who monitor Maras wonder what they do with the money they make. They do not pay taxes, and their facilities and equipment are inexpensive. Will they buy up legitimate businesses and pay off government officials, including the police? Those that remained or returned to the United States wanted financial security, respect based on fear from their immediate community, and power with Maras.

In addition to these national efforts, many bilateral, multilateral, and regional efforts aim to combat the maras. For example, Berger and Vicente Fox, Mexico's president, agreed to establish mechanisms to fight mara drug trafficking along their border. Similarly, Berger and El Salvador's Saca agreed to set up a joint security force to patrol gang activity along their border. In January 2004, Guatemalan, Salvadoran, Honduran, Nicaraguan, and Dominican Republic officials created a database on crimes to better track movements of criminal organizations. Saca proposed a "Plan Centroamerica Segura" (Central American Security Plan) to the Central American Integration System (in Spanish, SICA), in June 2004 at the Summit of Central American presidents. SICA held an "Anti-mara Summit" in April 2005 where the presidents of all the Central American nations were joined by representatives from Mexico and the United States. More recently, the Spanish Ministry of Interior, with the participation of seven Central and ten South American countries, plus Mexico and the Dominican Republic, met to discuss the issue in March 2006. In April 2006, the government of El Salvador met with the FBI for a very large anti-gang regional conference (Boraz & Bruneau, 2006). As a result, in Central America the Maras challenge all levels of security and have the potential to frustrate economic development. The Maras pose serious challenges to all levels of security, to economic development, and to democratic consolidation of these Central American countries. Their political and economic systems have become very fragile following decades of authoritarianism and internal conflict. It would not take much to destabilize them. Clearly, there is work to be accomplished at many levels of government to implement best practices and policies into place to fight this growing threat. In Central America, unlike Colombia, the threat is located in the urban areas, and is not due so much to government neglect as to a lack of resources.

CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS and RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary

The Mara Salvatrucha, or MS-13, is perhaps the most notorious street gang in the Western Hemisphere. While it has its origins in the poor, refugee-laden neighborhoods of 1980s Los Angeles, the gang's reach now extends from Central American nations like El Salvador and through Mexico, the United States, Africa and Canada. Gang members rob, extort and intimidate their way into communities and have gradually turned to transnational crimes such as human smuggling and drug trafficking. Today, low estimates for MS-13 gang membership range from a low of 6,000 in the United States to more than 100,000 actively operating in at least 43 states (some say all of the United States) and a growing number of foreign countries as well, making them a transnational criminal enterprise that represents a growing threat to national security. Likewise, membership estimates for the 18th Street Gang ranged from a low of 8,000 to a high of 50,000 in the United States alone. Moreover, both of these gangs have a massive presence in Central and Latin America, as well as a growing number of other foreign countries in Asia, Oceania and Africa as well.

Even using the low estimates, these are truly troubling trends. Indeed, it is not a stretch to suggest that a massively armed 10,000-man force is equivalent to a division-sized military unit and few observers would argue that an invasion by a division of highly trained North Koreans (as parodied in the recent second "Red Dawn" movie) or Cubans armed with high-powered weapons and fast vehicles (as depicted in the first "Red Dawn" movie) would represent a threat to national security. More troubling still, this potential threat to national security has virtually been smuggled into the United States under the very noses of those who are tasked with preventing this, and now other law enforcement authorities across the country are struggling to respond to this growing threat. Although the research showed that there is no credible evidence linking the maras to terrorism in the United States, the research also showed that they do represent threats to citizen and public security in America, and pose a grave threat to the national security of many Central American countries already.

Conclusions

At the beginning of this thesis the question that has been asked is whether the Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street Gang had become a threat to national security. The innovation, technology, knowledge, capability and intimidation do exist. There may not be substantial facts and proofs of terrorist activities. However, they are attempting to dominate regions across various countries with ruthless and violent tactics. If law enforcement fails to aggressively and tactfully combat the Maras, they will eventually spread like infestation and the threat to national security will surely be a reality that Americans will face tomorrow. It is foreseeable that if the law enforcement authorities can't curtail the expansions of these gangs then it is inedible that the use of some type of law enforcement combined with military force may be the only final option to stop this destructive force. The security of the greatest nation on this earth is the responsibility of the government. The freedom that Americans enjoy will not wither away as long as Americans have the strength and willingness to fight this new form of terrorism that has jeopardized the nation's security in profound ways.

Recommendations

Due initially to a civil war in the early 1990s, the research showed that tens of thousands of Salvadoran youths have made their way to the United States in recent years where they joined street gangs such as Mara Salvatrucha and the 18th Street Gang for mutual protection and security. These gangs in particular have become highly organized transnational actors that are capable of extending their power, influence and violence throughout their own country, the United States and other countries. Unfortunately, there are no easy solutions to these threats, and it would be disingenuous at this point to recommend alternatives such as amnesty and job training and educational opportunities as viable paths to citizenship and the legitimate world of business for these young people. In reality, the United States would have been better served by opening its borders to these young people and providing them with asylum given their refugee situation and desperate status. After all, the nation needs young people who want to be here to the extent that they make it here on their own all the way from El Salvador at the tender age of 8 and 9 years. The United States should have thrown its doors open to these young people rather than slamming the door in their face, but hindsight is always 20-20 and it is too late to do for the Salvadorans and other Hispanics that are now gang members what the country has historically done for similarly situated populations such as the Irish, Cubans, Vietnamese, Czechoslovakians, and others. These previous waves of immigrants have largely become completely assimilated in American society and have made enormous contributions. In contrast, by denying the MS-13 and 18th Street Gang members these legitimate alternatives to citizenship and virtually ensuring that they would end up as part of the problem rather than the solution, no one was served. Despite these considerations, it may not be too late to lure some members of these gangs away from their peers by offering them a path to citizenship through military service, community service or other programs but for those who remain, there are few alternatives but to fight fire with fire. These gangs were shown to be clear and present threats to national security and they must therefore be treated as such. If resolving these problems requires potentially unconstitutional internment camps comparable to those used during World War II for the Japanese on the American West Coast -- so be it. In sum, these gangs are powerful, insidious and ubiquitous and half-measures simply will not work.