Urban Geography Trends in Baltimore

Urban Geography Trends in Baltimore Segregation and Their Implications When studying the various maps of the urban geography of Baltimore City, one will notice some obvious trends based on race and economic factors. From maps detailing the data between 1990 and 2000, there is a noticeable segregation taking place between black, white, and Hispanic residential areas as well as between higher and lower income areas. In the period of a decade, the segregation only becomes more severe, which has negative implications, including an eroding economic impact upon blacks in the inner-city.

The only way that Baltimore City government officials would have of relieving this issue is by studying the facts, recognizing the trends, and offering solutions based on their conclusions of the data in the maps. Focusing on the maps for the year 1990, the map for total population shows a patchwork pattern of higher vs.

lower population neighborhoods across the city, with a more dense population evident in the northern neighborhoods from the Orchards to Loch Raven and in western neighborhoods from Seton Business Park to Greenspring, both the northern and western populations spread out from west to east (Total 1990).

The map depicting the white population for the same year shows a dense white population spread out in an X-formation across the city, but also along the north-central and south-central neighborhoods, from Cross Country to North Roland Park in the north and Violetville across to Holabird Industrial Park (White 1990). The map depicting the black population shows a heavy concentration of blacks in the central and western regions, spanning as far out as Seton Business Park (Black 1990).

The Hispanic population seems to take up its own little southeastern corner of the city, including Little Italy and O'Donnell Heights (Hispanic 1990). With regard to differences in population between residential areas of high vs. low economic status, the population having higher economic status seems to be spread out around the perimeter of the city, with concentrated areas in the north-central neighborhoods from Cheswolde to Cedarcroft (Income 1990). Essentially, the main picture we see is one of subtle, but definite segregation.

The black population focuses in on the central and western side of the city, the whites mostly spread themselves out along the north and south, and the Hispanics are condensed into a small area in the bottom left-hand corner. The black population certainly seems to dominate the northwestern region of the city, and the whites dominate the north central section, with the exception of a huge split in black/white population with blacks on the eastern side of York Road and whites on the western side.

All of the other racial lines in the city seem to be blurred; although the whites own an overwhelming percent of the population in the Hispanic corner, the Hispanic population is most dense there. Studying the maps for 2000, however, we see very noticeable changes in all the maps.

The white population still inhabits the same area as it did ten years prior, but there is a noticeable shift in the density of population to geographic location with an increase in white population along the north and south borders of the city (White 2000). The black population also inhabits the same areas, but their populations, instead of migrating, simply increase in their percentages, the population in some areas jumping up 20% (Black 2000).

The Hispanics have also migrated away from their more sparse locales in the city to increase the population in the Hispanic southeast corner of the city, still living with a majority of whites (Hispanic 2000). Using this information we see that residential differentiation, especially between whites and blacks, has become more intense, sharpening the lines between the races in the residential communities of Baltimore City. Perhaps because of this increased intensity, we also notice a difference in the varying economic neighborhoods.

Those with a higher household income continue to be located in the same geographic location as before, but now their average household income has decreased, and the racial demographics in the varying economic statuses is more clear (Income 2000).

The areas of higher income are located in the most northern part of the city, where the highest population of whites is also, while the areas of lower income are located in the central section and have grown into the western and northwestern neighborhoods with the average decrease in household income from 1990 to 2000. The impact of segregation on any area can create some negative effects, and according to Camille Zubrinsky Charles, racial segregation may be to blame for the decline in the economic status of blacks in Baltimore City.

She argues that "where we live affects our proximity to job opportunities," and whoever is concentrated in areas where conditions are poor would be unlikely to find a job that would pay enough to support a family (168). The inner-city is just such an area with poor conditions, and according to the maps from 1990 and 2000, as the population of blacks in the central section of the city increased, the economic status of the residents there (the blacks) decreased.

Therefore, the segregation of the various communities has impacted Baltimore in such a way as to put whites and Hispanics out of harm's way on the.