Indeed, this explains why it is necessary to achieve a more open discourse on the implications of violence with specific and tangible reference to women and how they are impacted. Proper psychological profiling of those with aggressive tendencies toward women or irrational behaviors relating to women should be factored into the type of sentencing and post sentence attention that individuals are given. Without receiving proper attention from legal, penal or social service agencies designed to address the problems of criminal violence, individuals like Stirpe are unlikely to be deterred from their aggressive proclivities.
To the point, violence against woman has been subject to a significantly raised degree of popular and legal scrutiny given its social pravelance and yet it remains unclear how the legal system can address such individuals as Stirpe, who have served their time but are likely to still represent a threat of violence.
Burgmann, T. (2009). Accused Killed 4 to Steal Their IDs, get rich, trial Told. The Canadian Press:
The article by Burgmann (2009), released by the Canadian Press, provides a troubling story in which an individual capable of grotesque violence and deception was nonetheless able to manipulate a series of victims within his personal orbit. Kembo is accused of murdering four women with whom he had developed intimate personal relationships. Preemptively constructing a plot in which he systematically murdered his wife, business partner, girlfriend and step-daughter and used their identities and life insurance policies for personal enrichment, Kembo was clearly capable of an extreme degree of violence which exclusively exploited and victimized women. Consistent with the findings provided by Marriner, it provides something of an anecdotal reference to some larger patterns or system failures which may be considered as associated.
Research in the evaluation of Marriner's article denotes that there is a precedent, albeit an abstract one, for Kembo's behavior. Namely, most research driven thusly tends to illustrate that the correlation between male gender behaviors and violence against intimates is socially constructed. The problem of such violence, this research demonstrates, is directly tied to a culture with inherently patriarchal tendency. That Kembo's victims were all women but that his motives appeared to be non-sexual indicates a sense that women are more easily made as prey to this type of violence. In a manner, this is underscored by the assertion made by Marriner concerning the variant of abstract correlations to such violence. The economic motives which drove Kembo do actually have some precedent. Indeed, the Marriner article denotes that it is important to frame the conversation according to these realities because a failure to do so threatens to obscure many of the true patterns which provoke violence against women as a widespread sociological problem. Marriner indicates that there are causes for violence against women which transcend individual circumstances and the relationship between the gender. Beyond these surface features, patterns of this violence are "linked to numerous other social factors. Budget cutes, political announcements, taxations changes, immigration regulation, changes in the social safety net -- all these current events may have implications for the levels of violence women experience." (Marriner, 16)
Naturally, the failure to acknowledge these connections may not have been intended to protect activities such as Kembo's, but they were sufficient to hide his misdeeds long enough for them to be repeated to the loss of multiple lives. In fact, one of the most disturbing implications of the case is reflected in the article, which seems almost unwittingly to acknowledge the clear socioeconomic implications from the perspective of the legal system. The article indicates that "Kembo was able to fly below the radar for so long because each of his victims were 'low net worth people.'" (Burgmann, 1) the suggestion that the personal connections between Kembo and the victims did not stand out to authorities sooner because of their socioeconomic status is to demonstrate Marriner's primary argument.
It is clear again that revealing patterns in the individual case and in the legal context had been overlooked to the benefit of Kembo's intent. Ultimately, the connection to economic motives suggests that Kembo's violent tendencies may be seen as connected to both materialism and the associated objectification of women. Though this article stops just short of making such connections explicitly, it does affirm Marriner's initial claim about the insufficient discussion is provided with an example of both traditional and new forms of violence against women in congruence with one another. The danger of sexually predatory behavior toward women is increasingly coming to play a role of importance in discussions about social networking through the internet medium.
Indeed, beyond relaying a specific case in which this has been demonstrated, the Walton (2009) source contextualizes its story as relating to broader patterns that are coming to the surface. Here, the article reports that a woman was lured to a house via an internet bulletin board, given a date rape drug and raped over a period of many hours. The article framed the incident as consistent with a pattern in which internet forums have become another ground for predators who seek to victimize women. The perpetrator had promised via internet to furnish the respondent with a house in exchange for a 'good time.' However, after the victim in question arrived at the location, was drugged and was sexually assaulted over a prolonged period of time, she escaped and reported the incident to police.
Officers issued a warning to users of online dating sites that should be considered relevant to Walton's reference. Drawing a connection to other incidences of similar nature, Walton relates that "this year, a 22-year-old Boston man became known as the "Craigslist killer' after he was charged with killing a woman and robbing another, both of whom advertised their services on Craigslist." (Walton, 1)
This article does a suitable though concise service to the issue by indicating that there is a connection between the nature of the crime being reported and others such as the case of the Craigslist killer. The connection is a purposeful one, revealing a context within which violence against women is now expanding into a new realm of sexual and social interaction. The result is the revelation of an increasingly complex context for law enforcement and for the judgment of individuals.
In many ways, the article by Walton reflects the changing nature of intimacy boundaries, with many using the internet to achieve certain relationships. The fact that this has also begun to reflect a danger to women is indicative of how deeply rooted the sociological problem is. In this regard, it may be said that the Walton article has done an effective job at approaching the real problem of violence against women by identifying its position in a pattern. A failure to do so, the Marriner article denotes, "removes the overwhelming prevalence of violence against women from its rightful context, and individualizes the problem instead. This then feeds a public perception of violence against women as the 'exception', not the rule, even while the statistics are staggering." (Marriner, 15)
Though the article by Walton is not statistically driven, it does provide conscious recognition of the connection between one act of violence against women and another. Ultimately, we are returned to an understanding of such violence as being part of a pattern of male aggression, in this case mediated by a new context in which these roles often become even more submerged.
Aulakh, R. (2009). Desperate Moms Want Boys. The Toronto Star:
Often, the acts of aggression which are visited upon women are contextualized by direct physical violence or sexual assault. In other instances, however, it is also possible to draw a connection between such aggression and certain gender roles relating to femininity. To this point, the article by Raveena Aulakh reveals a trend which exploits women in the context of fertility and child-bearing. Writing for the Toronto Star (2009), Aulakh's story simultaneously illustrates the multitude of ways in which women can be thusly exploited and the degree to which such distinct sociological conditions as immigration status play in such modes of exploitation.
The Aulakh story details a cultural trend prevalent amongst Indian immigrants to Canada who are desperate to conceive male children for reasons both socio-cultural and economical. The result of this desperation is a cottage industry of false hope in which, Aulakh reports, male con artists seduce women into paying exorbitant fees for herbal treatments designed to promote male in vitro development. It is ironic that this condition which has invited such exploitation of women also reflects a decidedly hostile cultural perception of women in general. As the Aulakh article denotes, "in the Indian state of…
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, 1994)." (Salazar, 253) This is not just troubling as a statistical illustrator of the problem's prevalence but it is indicative of a much larger cultural condition predisposing us to violence toward women. With ties to the patriarchal machinations of the country's monarchical origins and a dependency upon the fortification of such leanings in modern legal, social and even familial structure, the issue of domestic violence is very much a