Fighting in the Jim Crow Army: Black Soldiers in WWII

Introduction: Segregation and the WWII Army

Maggi Morehouse (2007) argues early in Fighting in the Jim Crow Army that the Plessy v. Ferguson decision of 1896, wherein America codified "separate-but-equal," was still in full effect by the time of World War II. The effects of that Supreme Court ruling would impact the lives of Black Americans for the next half century — especially in the armed forces, which remained segregated until 1947. Morehouse details the trials and complications faced by Black soldiers in the segregated Army, as remembered by the Black men and women who lived through those times. This review examines the most significant aspects of Morehouse's work and provides a close look at the stories that shaped the people and the structure of the 92nd and 93rd all-Black active Infantry Divisions.

Morehouse asserts from the outset that the policy of segregation "failed to produce military efficiency" (p. 4). Not only was it demoralizing, but it also added an economic burden to the military system, as separate buildings and facilities had to be constructed — such as those at Fort Huachuca. When Representative Hamilton Fish introduced a bill in 1940 that "allowed the president to assign men — white or black — to various units within the army," Secretary of War Harry Woodring objected that such a measure would demoralize troops and weaken the military infrastructure (p. 4). While Congress stalled on permitting Blacks to serve alongside whites, the number of Black soldiers who saw active duty remained significantly lower than the proportion of Black people in the general population.

Despite the difficulties Black Americans faced in simply being allowed to fight for the United States, Morehouse notes that many of them remained loyal and patriotic. Famous boxer Joe Louis exemplified such an attitude when he said, "There may be a whole lot wrong with America, but there's nothing that Hitler can fix" (p. 8). This sentiment was not uncommon. Even in 1941, the War Department issued the following statement: "Negroes have been notably a loyal and patriotic group. One of their outstanding characteristics is the single-mindedness of their patriotism" (p. 8). Yet many critics questioned why Black Americans should serve in a segregated army to defend a government that treated them as second-class citizens.

Black Loyalty and Resistance to Service

Indeed, not all Black men were eager to serve. Morehouse cites Lawrence Johnson as one such example: "Lawrence Johnson said he 'did not want to go into the military, period… It wasn't my choice to go in, and when they called me, I didn't expect to be any hero'" (p. 17). Johnson was later even nominated for Officer Candidate School but refused to attend. Others, like Conrad Lynn, reported for duty but sued over segregation, declaring: "I am ready to serve in any unit of the armed forces of my country which is not segregated by race. Unless I am assured that I can serve in a mixed regiment… I will refuse to report for induction" (p. 18). Lynn's legal challenge, however, was ultimately unsuccessful.

Not only was the Army segregated, but it also failed to reflect the racial composition of the American population: "In the 1940s, Black Americans constituted approximately 10% of the overall population — 13 million people out of 130 million total. In the military — predominantly the army — Blacks represented only 5.8% of the total number of servicemen" (p. 27). Black soldiers such as Private Charles F. Wilson wrote directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt to express their opposition to "undemocratic Jim Crow segregation." Roosevelt, however, took no action to desegregate the Army.

Despite this opposition, the sustained pressure of civil rights organizations and Black protest eventually led to the activation of two Black infantry divisions. No longer confined to mess halls and support roles, Black soldiers would finally get the chance to fight. One of these divisions was the 93rd Infantry; the other was the 92nd.

Representation and Rank in the Segregated Army

Morehouse provides insight into the military hierarchy of the era. "One black officer in the 93rd commented that the 'so-called southern aristocracy' ran the army" (p. 28). Similarly, Bill Perry observed how little authority Black officers were granted over white soldiers: "It appeared as if the army never let a black man outrank a white man in any kind of working relationship" (p. 28). Morehouse notes that Perry was not wrong — such was "official policy." In the segregated Army, Black officers could command only Black soldiers.

The legacy of Plessy v. Ferguson came back to haunt Nelson Peery when military police officers attempted to move him to the segregated cars of a train. Peery, who held a first-class ticket provided by the government, offered to comply — if a first-class seat was available in the segregated section. It was not. Instead, Peery was placed in his own private suite, if only to keep him separate from the white officers (p. 43). The 92nd and 93rd all-Black Infantry Divisions were segregated not only from white soldiers but, during training, from civilian society altogether, stationed as they were in the Arizona desert. Soldier Hank Williams described the reservation at Fort Huachuca without affection.

Conclusion: Legacy of Jim Crow in the Military

Throughout, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army illustrates many examples of the trials and labors of Black American soldiers fighting in the segregated Army of World War II. From the earliest stages of training at Fort Huachuca to the combat theaters of Morotai, Mindanao, and Biak, and of Italy, Morehouse shows just how Black soldiers fared in the roles assigned to them. Even though they had been trained for combat, these soldiers were viewed as lacking what white soldiers were presumed to possess — a certain fundamental competence and respectability. That perception, however, had its roots not in any truth about the soldiers themselves, but in the racial ideology codified by Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896.