This paper examines why gender continues to matter in contemporary sports from three angles. First, it traces the construction of masculine and feminine identities in Western culture, showing how sports have historically reinforced gender norms since the organization of youth athletics in the late nineteenth century. Second, it considers resistance to these norms through the lens of Michel Foucault's sociology of the body, noting how modern thinkers apply his concepts of power and knowledge to challenge male-centered sports culture. Third, it reviews empirical research on gender differences in concussion rates among high school athletes, summarizing anatomical, cultural, and hormonal explanations for why female athletes sustain concussions at higher rates in soccer and basketball.
There may well be reasons that gender should not matter in sports. However, setting aside questions of morality or justice, gender does currently matter in sports for several reasons. Gender definitions have traditionally created and perpetuated differences that make gender relevant in sports, though these definitions are being challenged. In addition, studies have found gender differences in injury — specifically regarding concussions among high school athletes. Due to current circumstances in sports, gender matters.
Development of a masculine identity is psychologically fundamental for males (Messner, 1989). Furthermore, a public masculine identity is fundamental for males within society (Messner, 1989). The actual content of any individual's identity comes from that person's choices in areas such as gender, culture, vocation, and religion (Daniels et al., 2005, p. 319). The predominant concept of masculinity in the Western world encompasses such characteristics as competitiveness, strength, toughness, aggression, courage, control, and the ability to endure pain (Allan et al., 2006, p. 53). Chesebro and Fuse further divide these characteristics into prototypical and sports-related categories: prototypical male characteristics include ambition, independence, courage, leadership, activity, and achievement; sports-related characteristics include identification with one's favorite team, following the team's progress, attitudes toward rival teams, and the use of team insignias (Chesebro & Fuse, 2001, p. 238). In fact, masculinity is comprised of a number of useful yet sometimes contradictory images (Chesebro & Fuse, 2001, p. 264). Allan and his co-authors go even further, stating that the characteristics of a so-called "ideal" male lend themselves to two phenomena: violence and sports (Allan et al., 2006, p. 59). Sports are logically connected with self-identity because they connect a person with forms of self-identity that society approves (Guilianotti, 2005, p. 117). Furthermore, individuals who strongly identify with athletics build their identities around that role by developing sports-focused skills, confidence, and social relationships (Daniels et al., 2005, p. 319).
The vulnerability of young men to this construct was explored by Kivel and Johnson in "Consuming Media, Making Men: Using Collective Memory Work to Understand Leisure and the Construction of Masculinity" (Kivel & Johnson, 2009). Kivel and Johnson wished to understand how young males create and sustain their masculinity; consequently, they explored the "media consumption" of young males (Kivel & Johnson, 2009, p. 112). They found that American society maintains very narrow roles and expectations for "man" and "manhood" (Kivel & Johnson, 2009, p. 118), including early exposure of young males to violent examples of maleness in the media (Kivel & Johnson, 2009, p. 124). In this way, media both fed and was fed by proactive symbols of masculinity rooted in violence, heroics, and persistent macho representations (Kivel & Johnson, 2009, p. 127). While these images have developed and been "assigned" to masculinity over time (Chesebro & Fuse, 2001, p. 263), American media is vital to the creation and maintenance of American masculine identity (Kivel & Johnson, 2009, p. 131).
Since the organization of youth sports in the late nineteenth century to build and test the "manliness" of young males, sports have been consistently important for young males in American society, allowing boys to attain acceptance and support from other males (Daniels et al., 2005). This stands in sharp contrast to female participation in sports, which began gaining acceptance only as recently as the 1960s. Traditionally, females who participated in sports were considered deviant unless the sport was a "refined" one such as tennis, which focused on aspects such as "beauty and form" (Daniels et al., 2005, p. 325). Prior to the 1960s, women's sports rejected the "male" notions of winning and individual achievement associated with amateur and professional sports (Daniels et al., 2005, pp. 324–325). With the enactment of Title IX in 1972, competitive sports became far more acceptable for females; however, traditional gender stereotypes still dominate sports participation (Elling & Knoppers, 2005, p. 260).
Knowing that these traits comprise the traditional Western ideals of masculinity and femininity, an individual's decision to pursue or abandon a professional career in sports hinges on his or her self-assessment of the possession and ability to develop those traits (Messner, 1989). Of course, sports are also connected with other aspects of self-identity, such as racial identity and class identity (Bourdieu, 1978, p. 824); however, this paper focuses specifically on gender-related issues in sport. According to authorities such as Messner, sports' reinforcement of these traits establishes and perpetuates gender inequality (Messner, 1989). One example of this reinforcement of gender inequality and violence is professional football, in which a player is pushed to see his own body as "a tool, a machine, or even a weapon" used to defeat the opponent (Messner, 1989). As a result, even serious injuries are frequent in football and are deemed acceptable due to the cultural acceptance of violence (Guilianotti, 2005, p. 110).
To be sure, certain members of modern Western society have not docilely accepted this state of affairs, as traditional "macho" concepts are being challenged (Elling & Knoppers, 2005, p. 261). Several notable opponents of traditional Western male stereotypes in sports look to Michel Foucault. Foucault (1926–1984) was a French philosopher and historian (Gutting, 2013) who developed a series of theories influencing philosophy, humanism, and the social sciences. For the purposes of sports theorists, Foucault most importantly wrote about the sociology of the body (Guilianotti, 2005, p. 102). Although Foucault produced an extensive body of work, several key concepts can be used to understand their applications to sports and gender.
Foucault's sociological study focused on the body. For Foucault, assumptions about the body that had traditionally been taken for granted deserved careful scrutiny. Foucault argued that power is everywhere and that power and knowledge depend on each other (Guilianotti, 2005, p. 102). He developed his theories in response to the torturous treatment and ineffective control of criminal prisoners, and he was interested in developing more humane and effective methods of watching and controlling inmates. With the body at the heart of his thought, Foucault developed theories regarding: discipline, a new technology of dealing with and controlling the body; governmentality, a set of methods for conducting conduct; carceral archipelago, a system of surveillance that caused individuals to self-regulate because they believed they were constantly being watched by those in authority; and confessional selves, methods of constantly producing truth about oneself (Guilianotti, 2005, pp. 104–107). Foucault believed — and apparently demonstrated — that these ideas were revolutionary and highly effective for the treatment of prisoners.
Despite Foucault's initial concern with the treatment of criminals, subsequent thinkers such as Guilianotti found his concepts readily applicable to "the sporting body" (Guilianotti, 2005, p. 107). Using Foucault's concepts, modern thinkers such as Honi Haber reacted to the male-centered concept of sports, writing "Foucault Pumped: Body Politics and the Muscled Woman" to help "the overthrow of patriarchy and the hegemony of phallocentric desire" (Haber, 1996, p. 137). Sharing Guilianotti's belief in the Foucauldian theory that power and knowledge are interdependent (Guilianotti, 2005, p. 102), Haber sought to assist women in understanding that since women are objectified and recognized in society as bodies, they might fight with their bodies (Haber, 1996, p. 138), recognize that "power politics and aesthetics" are mutually supportive (Haber, 1996, p. 139), and use their physical strength to resist the traditional repression presented by Western society's masculine ideal (Haber, 1996, p. 139). While it is true that traditional, unjust "masculine" and "feminine" characteristics are being challenged by these and other thinkers, the fact remains that gender still permits, excludes, and matters in sports.
In addition to traditional notions of gender, there are documented differences in injury rates — particularly concussions — according to gender. As girls participate in sports at rates similar to boys, studies have found that girls have significantly higher rates of concussion in soccer and basketball. In high school soccer, a 2011 study revealed that girls were twice as likely to suffer concussions as boys (Frommer et al., 2011); in high school basketball, the same study found that the rate of concussions for girls was 1.7 times higher than for boys (Frommer et al., 2011). Researchers have struggled to determine why concussion rates are so much higher among female high school athletes. The reasons offered involve anatomy, culture, and hormones.
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