The Challenges and Opportunities Facing Pentecostal Groups in North-East India
With an enormous population already exceeding 1.28 billion and growing every day, India is the second-most populous country in the world today, and may outpace China’s 1.38 billion people in the foreseeable future. Although nearly 80% of India’s population, or about 1.2 billion people, are practicing Hindus, there are several other major religions with significant representation in the country as well, including Muslims, Christians and Sikhs.[footnoteRef:2] Although India has a long tradition of religious tolerance, longstanding hostilities between Hindus and Muslims continue to create tensions in the hotly contested Kashmir region in north-east India and the potential for war between these two nuclear powers is ever present.[footnoteRef:3] Taken together, it is clear that religion remains a powerful force in India today but many minority religious groups face some profound challenges in this country as well as significant opportunities for the future. Given that Pentecostalism is a vibrant form of Christianity with the potential to carry the Gospel to every country in the world, this paper examines the challenges and opportunities facing Pentecostal groups in North-East India today, followed by a summary of the research and important findings concerning these pressing issues in the conclusion. [2: “India population.” 2017. CIA World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/in.html.] [3: Parvez Zaheer, “An Empowering Rule.” Islamic Horizons. 46, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 54.]
The eight states of north-east India, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura, are all rich in culture, share a common geographical region (see Figure 1 below), are all plagued by intermittent terrorism from a variety of sources as well as inter-ethnic conflicts – but this is where the commonalities essentially end. For instance, according to one authority, “The North-East consists of 40 million people spread over eight states that cover 263,000 square kilometers and none of them would agree to fight for the liberation of the ‘Northeast’ in general” (emphasis author’s).[footnoteRef:4] [4: Wasbir Hussain. 2008, May 2. “Are all India’s 8 north-eastern states disturbed areas?” A Wide Angle View of India. https://nitawriter.wordpress.com/2008/05/02/is-there-that-much-violence-in-indias-8-north-eastern-states/]
Figure 1. Map of North-East Indian States
http://www.mdoner.gov.in/sites/default/files/silo4_content/NE/NE_Region.jpg
As can be seen from the map in Figure 1 above, North-East India has several natural frontiers with other countries, all of which contribute to the increasingly heightened tensions in the region. Moreover, the frequently hostile terrain combined with “the multiplicity of insurgency activities, militants [and] terrorists [has] created havoc in the border areas.”[footnoteRef:5] This regional unrest has been further exacerbated by at least 30 different separatist groups that have been seeking autonomy or outright independence from the Indian federation as well as the “battles for territorial supremacy amongst the different ethnic groups themselves.”[footnoteRef:6] The latter problem is especially pronounced given that there are approximately 400 additional tribal or subtribal groups and 160 Scheduled Tribes living side-by-side in North-East India. The strategic alliances that have been forged between these groups frequently “transcend inter-state and international borders.”[footnoteRef:7] [5: Rini Matthew. 2016. “The Dynamics of Terrorism in North-East India – A Critique.” Rostrum. https://rostrumlegal.com/the-dynamics-of-terrorism-in-north-east-india-a-critique/] [6: Hussain, “Are all India’s 8 north-eastern states disturbed areas?” ] [7: Hussain, “Are all India’s 8 north-eastern states disturbed areas?” ]
This level of ethnic diversity is not limited to North-East India, of course, but it is more highly pronounced in this region which is one of the factors that has fueled ongoing unrest. According to Pulla, besides the four traditional groups in the Indian caste system that are based on occupations (i.e., Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra), there are also “two more marginalized caste groups, Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes, who are living outside the mainstream of the society because of their lower social status [which] adversely affects the equality of opportunities to the disadvantage of these groups.”[footnoteRef:8] Caught in the middle of all of this ethnic, religious, political and social unrest, of course, are millions of ordinary Indian citizens who want nothing more from life than to earn a living and make the lives of their children better than their own. Indeed, even under optimal circumstances, earning a living in North-East India is a challenging enterprise because many of the states are suffering from impoverished conditions and a fundamental lack of employment opportunities.[footnoteRef:9] [8: D. Pulla Rao, “Socio-Economic Status of Scheduled Tribes in Visakhapatnam District of Andhra Pradesh.” Journal of Social Welfare and Management, 6, no. 4 (October-December 2014): 189. ] [9: Hussain, “Are all India’s 8 north-eastern states disturbed areas?” ]
To its credit, the central Indian government has made significant investments in developmental projects throughout North-East India in recent years in response to these problems, but the outcomes of these investments have been mixed. In this regard, Hussain emphasizes that, “Leakage of funds at various levels of the government machinery [means] development funds are making their way into the coffers of the insurgent groups.”[footnoteRef:10] There have been other constraints that have adversely affected the ability of the central Indian government to effect meaningful change in the North-East India region as well, including a lack of the requisite expertise and training that are needed to apply investment funds effectively. [footnoteRef:11] [10: Hussain, “Are all India’s 8 north-eastern states disturbed areas?” ] [11: Hussain, “Are all India’s 8 north-eastern states disturbed areas?” ]
It is important to note, however, that the same level of unrest and insurgency does not exist equally throughout North-East India and some regions remain peaceful and increasingly prosperous. In fact, the characterization of the entire North-East India region as being troubled has further exacerbated efforts to address the problems where they are especially severe. In this regard, Hussain concludes that, “It is very unfair to bracket all these North Eastern states as disturbed areas. This only proves lack of understanding of complex problems of the North Eastern region. It must be understood that no two states of North East are similar. In fact, each state has its own set of problems. They have been grouped as North Eastern region on geographical convenience only (emphasis added).”[footnoteRef:12] [12: Hussain, “Are all India’s 8 north-eastern states disturbed areas?” ]
Unfortunately, this is the complex and convoluted environment that is facing many of the Pentecostal groups operating in North-East India today. Many of these groups have a lengthy history in India in general and in the North-East in particular that dates to antiquity. Indeed, Christianity can even be regarded as an Asian religion and St. Thomas and/or St. Bartholomew were the founders of Indian Christianity.[footnoteRef:13] Notwithstanding their status as relatively miniscule minorities in the North-East, the historic positive influence of Pentecostals has been significant, especially in the fields of healthcare, social services and education.[footnoteRef:14] [13: Peter C. Phan, Christianities in Asia. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 4.] [14: Phan, 4.]
While the numbers of Pentecostals in North-East India has increased significantly in recent years, especially among marginalized ethnic groups, their presence actually dates back more than 300 years as shown in the timeline set forth in Table 1 below.
Table 1
Timeline of historical growth of Pentecostalism in north-east India
Time Period
Description
1700-1900s
In the 1700s, German Lutherans and British Baptists establish Protestant missions in southern and western India. In 1860, revivals in the U.S. and Europe inspire an Indian Anglican to lead a Pentecostal revival in southern India. In the 1860s and 1870s, Protestant churches in southern India attract many Dalits (or “untouchables,” Indians outside of the caste system). Beginning in the 1880s, Protestantism also grows in Punjab, in northern India. Christian conversions inspire Hindu counter-movements, including the Arya Samaj, founded in 1875
1910-1960
An American woman is the first Assemblies of God (AG) missionary to India, settling in southern India in 1915. In 1918, the Indian AG is formally established, and in 1927, an American missionary establishes the first permanent AG Bible college outside the U.S. in present-day Kerala. Indian pastor K. E. Abraham leaves the AG in 1929 and founds the Indian Pentecostal Church, one of India’s largest Pentecostal denominations. The denomination splits in 1953, leading to the creation of the Sharon Fellowship Church. Between 1900 and independence in 1947, thousands of Hindus in southern India convert to Anglican and Baptist forms of Protestantism. According to the Indian census, the Christian growth rate between 1881 and 1931 is 338 percent, compared with 27 percent for Hindus.
1960-1994
This period sees the rapid growth of neo-Pentecostal churches, such as the New Life Fellowship, founded in 1968, which has about 1,500 house churches in Mumbai and 3,000 nationwide by 1996. By the late 1970s, the leadership of the AG and other Pentecostal churches becomes indigenous. A 1988 study finds that more than 3,000 indigenous Pentecostal and charismatic missionaries work among non-Christians.
By 1995, the Assemblies of God becomes India’s largest Pentecostal denomination, claiming 300,000 members. Christianity continues to grow rapidly in northeast India. Of seven northeast states, Nagaland is majority-Christian by 1961 and two more, Mizoram and Meghalaya, are majority-Christian by 1991
1995-2002
The Indian Pentecostal Church has more than 50,000 members, concentrated in southern India. Pentecostals in southern India are estimated to total about 1 million in 1994. The AG church in Chennai becomes one of India’s largest churches, growing to some 20,000 members by 2002
2006-Present
The Forum’s 2006 Pentecostal survey of localities in three Indian states with relatively high percentages of Christians – Meghalaya, Kerala and Tamil Nadu – found that more than one-in-ten Christians interviewed consider themselves charismatic or Pentecostal.
Source: Adapted from “Historical Overview of Pentecostalism in India,” Pew Research Center, 2009 at http://www.pewforum.org/2006/10/05/historical-overview-of-pentecostalism-in-india/
Despite their long-term presence and contributions to the peoples of North-East India, the growing religious unrest in the region has resulted in growing numbers of Indians becoming increasingly reluctant to formally identify themselves as being members of any Christian denomination.[footnoteRef:15] Nevertheless, India’s long heritage of religious tolerance (the 1947 India-Pakistan Partition notwithstanding), remains firmly in place at the local level in many regions of North-East India today, representing a clear opportunity for Pentecostal groups to gain new converts. In this regard, Phan advises that, “At the level of the neighborhood, communities, religious differences do not generally create problems, with people sharing different foods, rituals, and festivals.” [footnoteRef:16] Many people living in North-East India still subscribe to the traditional notion that all religions are legitimate, varying only in expressions of faith and dogma. As Phan points out, “Indeed the idea that only one religion is right and all others wrong was largely an alien concept in the region until rather recently. It is not espoused by Hinduism, the Sufi-influenced Islam of South Asia, or Buddhism. Orthopraxis was usually demanded only by locally-limited religious systems as a condition for common residence.” [footnoteRef:17] [15: Phan, 27.] [16: Phan, 27.] [17: Phan, 27.]
This opportunity for Pentecostalists, though, is countered by some serious challenges. Over the course of the last 2 or 3 decades, religion in North-East India has become increasingly politicized due to the region’s lingering economic doldrums, and religious-based conflicts have been used by some fundamentalist groups in both Hindu and Muslim communities to advance their respective ideological causes.[footnoteRef:18] There have been reports of Christians being attacked due to their status as “alien outsiders,” and these incidents have become more commonplace in response to incitements to target Pentecostal groups for violent reprisals by Indian political groups such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for allegedly forcing Indians to convert to Christianity. In this regard, Phan emphasizes that, “Certain Pentecostal Churches from some countries that have recently come to or evolved in India tend to promote the view that only Jesus saves in a very strident, even aggressive, manner. Moreover, they not only preach that no other religion is efficacious, but that all other religions are of the devil - and this may include established Christian traditions.”[footnoteRef:19] [18: Phan, 27.] [19: Phan, 27.]
To the extent that even the perception of this type of “Ugly American” forced proselytization exists among the otherwise religiously tolerant peoples of North-East India is clearly the extent to which mainstream Pentecostalists will be challenged to fulfill their missions. Moreover, this perception also adversely affects those who have already converted to Pentecostalism. As Phan emphasizes, “This particularly affects devout Christian youth, who feel their future prospects within the country will be limited by their faith. Needless to say, loud antagonistic attitudes worsen the often already difficult life of long-established Christians.”[footnoteRef:20] [20: Phan, 27.]
These issues help to explain, at least in part, the reasons for Pentecostals having come under inordinately high levels of anti-Christian violence in North-East India in recent years compared to other Protestant faiths.[footnoteRef:21] Like Phan, Rafudeen argues that, “It is their aggressive proselytization activities that make them more susceptible in this regard, specifically [those that] target the young, those between the ages 4 and 14.”[footnoteRef:22] It is reasonable to suggest that if the tables were turned and the children of Pentecostals who have been culpable in these types of overly aggressive proselytization activities in North-East India were targeted by Hindu missionaries in the United States in the same fashion, they would not only resent it, they would take whatever measures that were necessary to make it stop. Indeed, this same phenomenon is being experienced in a number of Western countries where lawmakers fear the growing influence of Muslim’s Sharia law on their societies. [21: Auwais Rafudeen, “Pentecostals, Proselytization and Anti-Christian Violence in Contemporary India.” Journal for the Study of Religion, 28, no. 2 (December 2015): 220.] [22: Rafudeen, 220.]
From this perspective, then, the “routinized violence experienced by Christians, overwhelmingly Pentecostals, on an almost every day basis, especially in rural India” is far more readily understandable.[footnoteRef:23] While some of the routinized violence is comprised of relatively minor types of assaults such as verbal abuse or throwing rocks at the windows of Pentecostal buildings, there have been numerous reports of far more serious types of violence including arson, rape, kidnapping and murder.[footnoteRef:24] Most local observers and national authorities agree that the majority of this violence is being instigated by the aforementioned RSS pursuant to their religious mandate to preserve their “Hinduness.”[footnoteRef:25] [23: Rafudeen, 221.] [24: Rafudeen, 221.] [25: Rafudeen, 222.]
Paradoxically, perhaps, one of the other reasons for the increasing violence against Pentecostals in North-East India is the fact that they have been highly effective in their proselytization efforts and are currently the most visible and fastest-growing form of Christianity in India today. [footnoteRef:26] It is important to note, though, that there are other factors involved in the disproportionate targeting of Pentecostals in North-East India besides their aggressive proselytization activities, including the fact that in contrast to Catholics or mainstream Protestant churches, the majority of Indian Pentecostal converts come from the lower castes, meaning they have no material wealth to invest in their communities. In this regard, Rafudeen adds that, “Pentecostals by and large emerge from the lower castes of India. As such, their very public demeanor, as well as the fact that they have no interest in investing in the caste system, is considered a threat to the ritual purity of Indian society.”[footnoteRef:27] Furthermore, the tensions between Pentecostals and many people in North-East India have been further exacerbated by their intentional depiction of themselves as somehow morally and religiously superior to locals, with Pentecostal woman in particular being cited for their overly assertive practices of challenging longstanding conceptualizations of rural Indian femininity.[footnoteRef:28] [26: Rafudeen, 222.] [27: Rafudeen, 222.] [28: Rafudeen, 222.]
Against this backdrop, it is apparent that there are a number of challenges facing Pentecostals in North-East India today, but like the paradox described above, some of these same challenges also represent opportunities. Given the significant amount of financial support that Pentecostal groups in North-East India receive from the United States and other foreign countries, the opportunity exists to follow the examples established by other mainstream Christian groups in India that have focused on charitable works and social services rather than strictly direct missionary work intended to convert as many people in North-East India to Pentecostalism as possible.
This transition from missionary work focused on conversion only, though, may be problematic due to the perception on the part of many Pentecostal groups in North-East India that mainstream Christian churches have become overly assimilated within Indian society and they may be highly reluctant to engage in any practices that may lead them to the same eventuality.[footnoteRef:29] Nevertheless, it is clear that overcoming the perception of overly aggressive efforts to convert North-East Indians to Pentecostalism through the provision of social services and educational resources is a good place to start this process.[footnoteRef:30] [29: Rafudeen, 223.] [30: Rafudeen, 223.]
These types of efforts can help Pentecostal groups in North-East India create new opportunities for growth by addressing the fundamental causes of anti-Christian violence. As the analysts at the Cambridge Centre for Christianity Worldwide points out, “Today in India we are faced with religious fundamentalism, linguistic chauvinism, caste exploitation, political vengeance and ideological conflicts in different parts. The root cause of all these issues is poverty. Unless churches or Christian communities address this issue strategically it is impossible to do any kind of mission in India.”[footnoteRef:31] [31: “Mission Challenges from Contemporary India.” 2014 Cambridge Centre for Christianity Worldwide. https://www.cccw.cam.ac.uk/.]
In fact, the per capita GDP income in two North-East Indian states, Assam and Meghalaya, was less than the national average for all of India of just $6,700.[footnoteRef:32] Based on the foregoing antecedents of the challenges, yet another opportunity exists for Pentecostal groups in North-East India. In this regard, the analysts at the Cambridge Centre for Christianity Worldwide conclude that, “In order to strategically develop mission thinking and mission action, the Christian communities have to find new ways of relating themselves with people of other faiths, people of other castes and people of other doctrines.”[footnoteRef:33] In the final analysis, then, Pentecostal groups in North-East India are faced with some profound challenges but many of these are balanced by significant opportunities to help improve the lives of the people of North-East India in the future. [32: “Per capita income in North-East states.” 2017. The Hindu Business Line. http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/economy/per-capita-income-rises-in-5-northeast-states/article2316700.ece.] [33: “Mission Challenges from Contemporary India.” 2014 Cambridge Centre for Christianity Worldwide. https://www.cccw.cam.ac.uk/]
Bibliography
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Rao, D. Pulla, “Socio-Economic Status of Scheduled Tribes in Visakhapatnam District of Andhra Pradesh.” Journal of Social Welfare and Management, 6, no. 4 (October-December 2014): 189-195.
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