This paper examines China's evolving role in international affairs through six thematic lenses. It considers whether China's growing economic and military power translates into revisionist or status quo foreign behavior, analyzes the oscillation between hope and fear in Western perceptions of China, and assesses whether China's rise will undermine the existing global economic order. The paper also evaluates the likelihood of democratization through trade engagement with the West and examines China's role as an obstacle to global environmental progress. Drawing on scholarship by Henry Kissinger, Denny Roy, Harry Harding, and David Zweig, the paper builds a nuanced portrait of China as a uniquely complex actor in twenty-first-century world affairs.
Will a powerful China lead to more aggressive Chinese foreign behavior? One of the main attributes of sovereignty is the right to pursue a foreign policy in the service of national interests. This question was widely debated during the Cold War and in subsequent discussions over sovereignty and national representation. Henry Kissinger, one of the most important figures in twentieth-century international affairs, argued that international law — and thus the legal framework governing interstate relations — is grounded in the concept of sovereignty. From this perspective, foreign policy is in most cases a mirror of national interests and sovereignty (Kissinger, 1995).
China has experienced one of the most impressive economic developments of recent decades. Despite periodic economic difficulties, China remains among the world's most prosperous countries by the economic growth index. Even acknowledging significant disparities between different regions of the country in terms of living standards and democratic governance, China has registered an average of approximately 8% economic growth per year. This sustained expansion signals a country in constant pursuit of economic power.
This economic power and influence — particularly within the environment shaped by global economic and financial crisis — is increasingly translated into foreign policy behavior. As Denny Roy argued back in 1994, when Chinese power was still in its early stages, China would eventually represent a potential threat to its neighboring states, especially Japan (Roy, 1994).
Economic power is, in most cases, converted into political power, and this dynamic is especially pronounced in the Asian region. For China to become the primary player in Asia represents both a major national achievement and a cause for concern for states such as Japan and South Korea. Given the complex historical background of the region (Roy, 1994), it is very difficult to predict future developments should China indeed emerge as the dominant actor in Asia and a pivotal political and economic force in the world.
Is China an inherently peaceful country? The history of the Chinese people, as well as the geographical position of China and its neighbors, forms an important part of the country's profile and any projection of its foreign policy. China's history has been marked by conflicting ideologies, regimes, and relationships with the wider world. Whether China is a peaceful country is difficult to assess definitively; in most cases the answer depends on the prevailing form of government.
The history of China has indeed been marked by constant struggles and wars from the dynastic era onward. At the same time, China has had limited direct involvement in the wars fought across the globe in recent decades. As the international environment continues to evolve, China appears to be slowly becoming a more peaceful actor in terms of its demonstrated military intentions.
However, China remains one of the few countries in which the Communist Party is the supreme force of the state, and where the Party commands broad domestic popularity. Given this ideological reality, which clearly defines China's position and role in the world, it is difficult to place China within a coalition of democracy-oriented nations — which broadly describes the Western world. From this perspective, the ideological divide will always characterize China as distinct from democracy-respecting nations in which human rights and the rule of law are considered foundational. This divide arguably positions China as less peaceful in its governing doctrine, being led by a communist regime rather than a liberal democratic one.
Despite being viewed with some reluctance as a full participant in the international community, China has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations and other international commitments aimed at protecting lives and human rights. From this perspective, China can be viewed as a supporter of peace and security. Nevertheless, in the contemporary globalized world, peacefulness can also be assessed through commercial conduct. By that measure, China is regarded as one of the most aggressive actors on the world market, pursuing a commercial strategy that has consistently yielded significant results over the years.
Why has there been a constant oscillation between hope and fear in Western images of China? The 1970s brought to American and Western European audiences an image of China shaped largely by the Cultural Revolution and its stated goals. The euphoria surrounding China during that decade was based on a programmatic vision of success — one that shared certain goals with American and European societies while differing substantially in the means of achievement. Information reaching America about China, drawn primarily from official visits, conveyed impressions of "harmony and unity, vigor, and dedication, which they contrasted with the elitism, competitiveness and moral uncertainty of their own society" (Harding, 1982, p. 938). The external and internal context reinforced this positive perception: the United States needed an ally positioned close to the Soviet Union, and an intellectual and political atmosphere within the US was receptive to such an alignment.
A shift in perspective emerged in the 1980s as more information about Chinese communism's egalitarian society became available. As Harding accurately notes, "the dominant mood has been one of disappointment and disillusionment" (Harding, 1982, p. 936), primarily because the construction of that egalitarian society had come at the cost of fundamental human rights.
By the 1990s and into more recent years, assessments of China underwent major changes in their depth and systemic character. Shifts in the political and values climate in the United States and Western Europe (Harding, 1982, p. 943), combined with an increase in available information and a dissipation of the 1970s euphoria, produced considerably more "fear" than "hope" regarding China's global position and its relationship with the West.
As the international environment becomes increasingly interdependent and moves gradually toward cooperative leadership, perceptions of China in the West continue to evolve. China is not only one of the United States' principal commercial partners but also one of the three most important players in the Asian region. To prevent dangerous swings in perception, China's international image should be constructed on an objective and systematic basis — resulting in a balanced approach rather than an extreme one defined by either "euphoric hope" or "Cold War fear."
Will an economically powerful China inevitably undermine the current global economic order? The contemporary economic environment is among the most complex constructions of modern times, largely because of the profound interdependency that exists at the global level. Within this context, it is essential to consider the role of China not only as one of the world's most populous powers but also as one of its most formidable economies.
"Whether China's rise undermines global economic stability"
"Trade engagement as a democratization mechanism evaluated"
"China's energy consumption as an environmental obstacle"
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