US Hegemony and the Continuity of Imperial Foreign Policy
This paper argues that while the post-1945 era has produced greater cooperation among the major Western powers, the fundamental character of American and liberal imperial foreign policy has remained largely unchanged since the 19th century. Drawing on scholars including Kinzer, Rosato, Doyle, Huntington, and Mearsheimer, the paper traces continuities in US interventionism from the Mexican War of 1846 through Cold War covert operations and post-Cold War regime changes. It examines cases in Cuba, Haiti, and Hawaii to demonstrate that democratic rhetoric has consistently masked corporate and strategic interests. The paper concedes that nuclear deterrence and institutions such as NATO and the EU have produced genuine discontinuity among the Great Powers, while concluding that intervention in the Global South remains as frequent and imperialistic as ever.
- Introduction: Continuity and Change in International Politics: Thesis on continuity in international politics since 1900
- American Interventionism Before and After World War II: US overt and covert interventions across two centuries
- Liberal Democracies and the Global South: Liberal states' aggressive record in the developing world
- Case Studies: Cuba, Hawaii, and Haiti: Specific colonial and occupation case studies examined
- Democratic Peace Theory and Its Limits: Doyle and Rosato debate democratic peace theory
- Great Power Relations and Post-Cold War Order: NATO, EU expansion, and post-Cold War liberal order
- Conclusion: Hegemony, Capitalism, and the Future of Imperial Power: Capitalism, Huntington, and persistence of imperial intervention
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What makes this paper effective
- The paper maintains a clear, consistent thesis throughout — that continuity in US imperial behavior outweighs discontinuity — and returns to this claim at each stage of the argument.
- It deploys a range of scholarly perspectives (Rosato, Doyle, Huntington, Mearsheimer, Kinzer) and sets them in productive tension, acknowledging where rival theories have merit before rebutting them.
- The use of concrete historical case studies — Cuba, Hawaii, Haiti, Guatemala, Chile, Iran — grounds abstract theoretical claims in specific evidence, making the argument persuasive and traceable.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper uses a concession-and-rebuttal structure effectively. It admits genuine discontinuity among Great Powers since 1945 (nuclear deterrence, NATO, the EU) before arguing this does not undermine the broader thesis about imperial persistence in the Global South. This intellectual honesty strengthens rather than weakens the overall argument.
Structure breakdown
The essay opens with a thesis statement about continuity in international politics, then moves through pre- and post-WWII comparisons, thematic analysis of corporate influence in foreign policy, three detailed case studies (Cuba, Hawaii, Haiti), engagement with democratic peace theory, and a discussion of Great Power relations. The conclusion synthesizes these threads and projects the argument forward, noting that intervention in weaker states shows no sign of ending.
Introduction: Continuity and Change in International Politics
There are no fundamental differences between the present and what international politics used to be in the first half of the 20th century. It is true that the post-WWII period has been more peaceful, but this is not because of a fundamental transformation in the way international politics works.
To state that there are no fundamental differences between international politics in 1900–45 and afterwards would be to carry the argument to an extreme, even though the continuities are greater than the discontinuities. Above all else, the liberal, democratic states and empires of the US and Western Europe were highly interventionist and aggressive in the developing world and Global South long before World War II, and this did not change during the Cold War and post-Cold War eras. Even governments that were democratically elected were sometimes overthrown and replaced by more pliable regimes, such as the "friendly" dictators of Central America and the Caribbean. At the same time, there has been far more harmony and cooperation between the Great Powers since 1945 than in the previous fifty years, especially through NATO and the European Union. America's alliance with Japan, Britain, France, and Germany has survived various stresses and strains over the decades, including the collapse of the Soviet Union, and this requires explanation.
None of the imperial powers has fought a major war since the invention of nuclear weapons, even though they have intervened frequently against the non-nuclear states of the developing world. Perhaps this alliance is explained by political and ideological affinities, as liberals maintain, or by cultural affinities as opposed to Muslim and Orthodox civilizations, as Samuel Huntington argues — though Japan remains a notable outlier in that framework. Realists would counter that self-interest holds the liberal powers together, particularly against the political, military, and economic threats they face from outsiders. In practice, these powers do seem to operate on the basis of mutual self-interest among capitalist states, with the US still playing the role of hegemon despite its relative weakening in recent years.
American Interventionism Before and After World War II
Although the US was not a global superpower before the Second World War, there have been important continuities between the pre- and post-1945 periods, especially in relations with Latin America and other countries in the Global South. James K. Polk planned a war of aggression against Mexico and provoked an incident on the Rio Grande in 1846 in order to obtain by force the western territories that Mexico refused to sell. History affords few clearer examples of ruthless realism and the use of power, which brought about the annexation of the northern half of Mexico in 1848.
Before World War II, American interventionism was often overt and direct — simply landing troops on the shores of some prospective banana republic and installing a "friendly" government. This is exactly what happened in Hawaii, Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic, in some cases more than once. Although the "men who directed these 'regime change' operations may not have explained forthrightly why they were acting, but they took responsibility for their acts" (Kinzer 5). Theodore Roosevelt was hardly shy about admitting that he sent troops to Puerto Rico and the Philippines, took Panama from Colombia, or landed in person with the army in Cuba in 1898. Indeed, more sober imperialists feared he was too much of a "cowboy" and perhaps unsound in his boasting about a new American Empire.
During the Cold War, overthrowing governments was more commonly accomplished through CIA covert operations, conducted in the shadows rather than in the open. Once the Soviet Union ceased to exist, however, the US increasingly reverted to the older methods of direct intervention.
Works Cited
Brown, Michael. "The Flawed Logic of NATO Expansion." Survival, Vol. 37, No. 1, 1995: 34–49.
Doyle, Michael W. "Three Pillars of the Liberal Peace." The American Political Science Review, Vol. 99, No. 3 (August 2005): 463–66.
Huntington, Samuel P. "The Clash of Civilizations?" Foreign Affairs, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Summer 1993): 22–49.
Kinzer, Stephen. Overthrow: America's History of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. Times Books, 2007.
Mearsheimer, John J. "The False Promise of International Institutions." International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1994–95): 5–49.
Renda, Mary. Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism, 1915–1940. University of North Carolina Press, 2001.
Rosato, Sebastian. "The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory." The American Political Science Review, Vol. 97, No. 4 (November 2003): 585–602.
Trask, Haunani-Kay. From a Native Daughter: Colonialism and Sovereignty in Hawai'i, Revised Edition. University of Hawai'i Press, 1993, 1999.
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