Ethnography of Incarcerated Women: Race, Gender, and Prison Life

Introduction

The number of people incarcerated in the United States has been on the rise, and women have greatly contributed to this trend. It is estimated that the female prison population grows annually by approximately 8%. Women from minority groups form the major part of this population — those who come from low economic backgrounds and areas that are politically neglected. Women of color constitute the majority of those incarcerated. They come from neighborhoods that are typically poor, have little access to mental health facilities, and receive minimal assistance from social services. These women make up the larger proportion of inmates at jails, prisons, and detention centers. Irwin (2009) and Jenness (2010) note that these women are incarcerated for committing non-violent offenses related to poverty, drug abuse, and domestic abuse.

This paper focuses on the ethnography of incarcerated women. Research was carried out on penal confinement, and the findings are organized around the themes of gossip, race and ethnicity, gender, and period of incarceration. The central focus is on how prison society relates and communicates, both internally and externally, from the perspective of the incarcerated woman.

Literature Review

There has been a substantial body of research on the ethnography of prisons. Rhodes (2009) conducted research on Washington's high-security prisons, while Crewe (2009) carried out a study on medium-security prisons in the United Kingdom. These researchers examined how prisons governed prisoners, how power was exercised and what forms it took, and the general atmosphere of correctional institutions. Other scholars have focused on dispelling misunderstandings of the prison environment and illuminating areas previously overlooked.

The female prisoner and her subcultures were studied in a Californian women's prison by Owen (1998). The issue of transgender inmates and their treatment — particularly in terms of housing classification — was highlighted by Jenness (2010). Some of the more recent ethnographic studies were conducted at San Quentin and have received considerable attention. Irwin (2009) documented the redemption and empathy that developed among male inmates over many years of incarceration. The female partners of inmates were found to be greatly affected by institutional restrictions, leading to significant emotional distress; however, there were also cases in which these same constraints led to stronger relationships.

Prison requires communal life, which can create new behavioral patterns. Ferns and Stein (2011) note that an individual's interaction with a group tends to be complex. It may lead a person toward vices or virtues not previously held — behaviors that would not normally emerge outside the group context. For those who enter prison with negative preconceptions, positive social interactions may come as a surprise requiring gradual adjustment (Rowe, 2011). Similarly, where a person had no prior awareness of ethnic differences, these distinctions may become prominent as they adapt to a prison society in which they are a defining feature of daily life (Comfort, 2008; Crewe, 2009).

Ferns and Stein (2011) also raise the concept of in-groups and out-groups. An in-group is one with which a person identifies and finds belonging — in prison, this is often the ethnic group. An out-group is one toward which a person experiences resentment, animosity, or opposition. These in-group and out-group dynamics are prevalent in prisons to the extent that even sexual encounters and abuses tend to be confined within them. Violations of these group boundaries can trigger riots (Rowe, 2011; Rhodes, 2009). Ferns and Stein (2011) further note that individuals are heavily influenced by the group to which they belong, whether that influence leads toward positive or negative behavior.

Methodology and Data Collection

This study was conducted at the Federal Prison Camp at Alderson, West Virginia, a minimum-security women's prison operated under the U.S. Department of Justice. The research employed an ethnographic approach, which does not prescribe a single data-collection method but allows the researcher to use whatever methods are most appropriate. Participant observation was the primary method chosen. The researcher placed himself in the same physical and social situation as those he observed, which required extensive reflection and self-criticism in order to properly analyze and interpret the data (Jenness, 2010).

Data collection involved noting various incidents, interactions, bonds, and plain observations, as well as informal conversations with female inmates. Interviews were unstructured, allowing one question to lead naturally to the next in a chained conversational format. The researcher identified key respondents in advance. As recommended by Rowe (2011) and Rhodes (2009), observations lasted between thirty minutes and one hour so that rapport could be established, with the exercise yard identified as the optimal setting.

The accuracy of each observation was cross-referenced against the reviewed literature and verified against the broader inmate population to establish reliability. The researcher sought greater understanding of observations through follow-up interviews with inmates. The process moved iteratively through participant observation, interactions with inmates and informants, and targeted data gathering. Rhodes (2009) recommends collecting feedback from participants to correct factual errors and to document differences in understanding within the report, a practice followed in this study.

Gossip as Prison Communication

Gossip spreads quickly among inmates and accumulates distortions as it is passed along. Common subjects include the sentences received by fellow inmates, the offenses for which individuals were incarcerated, perceptions of fair or unfair treatment, and various grievances. Once a rumor is in circulation, it is almost impossible to counter, regardless of how false it may be (Dunbar, 1998). Dunbar further argues that human language itself emerged partly as a vehicle for social gossip, replacing the grooming behaviors found in early human populations. Gossip functions as an information-distribution system both in wider society and within prisons, and efforts to suppress it often cause it to spread further. It has been known to cause significant damage to prison staff members and to the institutions themselves.

In the confined environment of a prison, gossip thrives in much the same way it does outside prison walls, though with greater intensity. Given the highly structured social environment and the elevated levels of stress, rumors emerge readily. The rigidity of prison systems and the pressure of forced adaptation to prison life create ideal conditions for gossip to flourish. Underlying many of these rumors is animosity rooted in fear, anger, and bitterness. A typical example occurs when a significant event is anticipated — such as a health inspection — causing anxious inmates to generate and spread rumors that amplify collective anxiety (Comfort, 2008; Jenness, 2010).

Kimmel (2003) argues that gossip is not merely the transmission of information but the transmission of processed information. A person does not pass information mechanically but reflects on it before sharing it. Information perceived as uninteresting is less likely to be passed on, while information judged compelling is irresistible to share. This cognitive processing also results in alterations to the information — through the omission of some facts or the addition of others. In this way, inmates can demonstrate what might be called collective intelligence, or its opposite, as they serve as processing agents for information circulating through the institution.

Conclusion

Gossip is rampant in the prison society as a means of communication and a vehicle for venting emotion. Sentences are compared, treatment is analyzed, and opinions are passed along the grapevine. As in wider society, once a rumor spreads in prison, it is difficult to eradicate no matter how false it may be. New inmates in particular experience disorientation and loneliness, their prior misconceptions combining with the demands of prison routine to heighten anxiety. It is generally the case that most women are first-time offenders who rarely develop into career criminals.

Hierarchies among groups are endorsed by those with high Social Dominance Orientation. However, where conditions are favorable for intergroup contact and personal interactions are positive, in-group bias is reduced even among white inmates who score high on SDO. Over time, the treatment of women in prisons has improved: whereas previously they were subjected to hard labor, violence, and sexual abuse by guards and male prisoners, women-only facilities have largely eliminated those specific abuses. Nevertheless, new problems have emerged — including confinement alongside inmates with mental illness, violent tendencies, or severe addiction.

Women in prison reflect the problems of the communities from which they come. One-third have experienced sexual abuse and half have suffered domestic violence. They are more likely than male inmates to be single parents, adding anxiety about their children and homes to the burdens of incarceration. Female inmates are recorded as committing more disciplinary offenses than their male counterparts, a pattern that may be explained by stricter regulations applied to women, the higher prevalence of mental health issues among female inmates, and the difficulty of rapid adjustment faced by a population composed predominantly of first-time offenders carrying significant domestic and emotional burdens.

References

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