Los Angeles Transportation Crisis: Networks and Solutions

Introduction: LA's Recurring Transportation Crisis

Transportation represents a highly salient component of daily life, influencing an individual's livelihood and the activities he or she can accomplish (Trafas, 2015). The County of Los Angeles has been facing its third major transport crisis within the span of a hundred years — that is, it is the third time in this period that transportation issues have topped the county's agenda. The crisis has been viewed as a matter of great urgency by concerned authorities and has attracted a very high degree of public concern and awareness. Moreover, while the factors contributing to the present traffic crisis have been deemed similar to those of past crises, the reactions of current public policymakers differ from previous responses in the sense that traffic congestion is now being addressed through means other than major highway expansion (Wachs, 1993).

Ever since the past four decades, the traffic growth rate has surpassed the population growth rate. Though the traffic surge of the 1920s may be attributed to the introduction of automobiles and their acquisition by a swiftly growing segment of the population, and that of the 1950s may be credited to suburban development and the pent-up automobile demand artificially suppressed by twenty years of war and economic depression, the increased traffic congestion of the 1970s and 1980s has been traced back to relatively different sources. More recently, vehicle ownership has grown to such an extent that there are two or more registered vehicles for every licensed driver within Los Angeles County (Wachs, 1993).

Most individuals in the United States tend to use their private automobiles during rush hour for two key reasons. First, a large portion of the American population resides in areas of low population density that are not effectively served by public transit. Second, private automobiles are more comfortable and convenient in terms of trip timing, faster, and more flexible when one needs to accomplish multiple tasks in a single trip, compared to any public transit vehicle. With the growth of household incomes across the globe, an increasing number of individuals have been shifting from cheaper but slower modes of public transport to private trucks and cars (Downs, 2004). The city of Los Angeles has been counted among the world's most automobile-dependent cities, ranking second in America — behind only San Francisco — in automobiles per square mile (2,161) (Newton, 2010). Furthermore, transit in Los Angeles accounts for only 2% of overall trips across all modes, illustrating the total dominance of private automobiles (Eidlin, 2010).

Transportation Network Type and Transit Development

A careful analysis of individual areas within Los Angeles may help identify locations where new development ought to commence. Project plans may be formulated to concentrate on areas associated with the least effect on existing land-use patterns. Furthermore, projects must support current uses by concentrating particular developments within particular regions. To ensure effective integration of transit into the area, development needs to take into account long-term transit goals. It would be prudent to discourage land use that is not aligned with transit sustainability goals, in order to maximize land-use efficacy. Areas containing employment centers accompanied by high residential population density serve as ideal transit development prospects. With a population of 3.8 million inhabitants in the county — representing forty percent of all inhabitants — transit development displays a strong likelihood of decreasing traffic congestion. Land-use effectiveness will serve to prioritize transit in the highest-employment regions, connecting residents with these regions through short, convenient transit trips. Vertical and horizontal development are attractive options within these regions for maintaining cluster characteristics as a cultural, economic, and entertainment hub (Trafas, 2015).

As Los Angeles has been burdened by high traffic congestion on its existing roadways, further development aimed at decreasing and preventing congestion is imperative. To this end, the Regional Connector Transit (RCT) Project may prove valuable. Prioritizing transit projects over additional highway construction demonstrates that increased highway infrastructure alone is not a solution for optimal land-use effectiveness within the Los Angeles region. The RCT project supports the regional goal of developing a livable, integrated, and dynamic area in light of projected growth. Its established objectives also attempt to create land use that is supportive of both transit and existing land-use patterns, concentrating on development of transit nodes near residential, recreational, and employment centers.

The RCT project's three planned stations are situated in high-traffic and downtown hotspot areas. The first station will be located adjacent to the Arts District and Little Tokyo — a recreational and cultural hub that attracts numerous visitors. The area's accessibility will be increased by developing transit that supports its existing land-use pattern, while also connecting several high-traffic regions. The second station will be in the civic center, a high-employment area, offering commuters an alternative to driving personal automobiles to work daily. The third station will be located adjacent to a recreational hub characterized by numerous museums, theaters, and concert halls. The station locations demonstrate an attempt to connect city areas already marked by high congestion through transit alternatives that decrease congestion and support existing land-use patterns (Trafas, 2015).