Marriage Equality Attitudes in South Korea: A Generational Study

Introduction

The Supreme Court of the United States recently ruled that any state-level laws banning same-sex marriage violate the rights of citizens under the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. As a global leader and trendsetter regarding social and cultural norms as well as public policy, the United States may have taken a great step toward global rights and freedoms. The American ruling obviously helps minimize discrimination domestically, but it also has the potential to inspire other countries to examine their own laws related to marriage equality. Because of widespread discrimination against same-sex couples and against all non-traditional social contracts, it becomes important that democratic societies entrench anti-discrimination clauses into their laws.

However, outmoded norms related to gender and sexuality continue to permeate the consciousness and culture of traditional societies. Even societies that are advanced in terms of economic and political development may continue to reveal overt and covert elements of homophobia and outright discrimination. The societies of East Asia, for example, tend to emphasize heteronormativity as a cultural trait. Korea, the focus of this research, is a traditional society with advanced economic and political institutions that does not yet recognize the efficacy of same-sex marriage or marriage equality. Unlike the United States, which emphasizes progress as well as plurality, Korea is a society that stresses conservatism and collectivism. The society and its institutions — from marriage to education and the economy — remain staunchly patriarchal to a greater degree than is evident in the United States.

There is some reason to believe that exposure to Western cultures and values is causing deep changes in Korean society. Many young Koreans study abroad in the United States and Canada, bringing back with them the desire and impetus to create social change through the promotion of social justice and civil rights. Same-sex marriage is one of the main areas in which young Koreans may be especially interested, whereas their older counterparts likely continue to cling to traditional norms related to patriarchal marriages. Furthermore, Korean society exhibits a blend between Confucian ideals for social structure and conservative Christian values. The combination of Confucianism and Christianity makes Korea one of the modern, wealthy countries slowest to embrace the idea of marriage equality.

In this research, it is hypothesized that the opinions of older Koreans (40 years of age and older) will differ from those of younger Koreans (cohorts between 30 and 40 years of age, and between 20 and 30 years of age). Specifically, it is hypothesized that explicit support for marriage equality is more prevalent among Koreans from the youngest age cohort than any other, and that explicit prejudice against same-sex marriage will be most prevalent among the oldest age cohorts. The methods used in this research include a review of the literature, a review of Korean cultural elements, and a set of structured interviews with individuals from each of the aforementioned age cohorts.

Review of Literature

Recent literature and surveys show that Korean society may already be shifting regarding attitudes toward same-sex marriage and homosexuality in general. Yoon found that 39% of South Koreans believed that homosexuality "should be accepted by society," up from just 18% six years prior (1). Still, 39% is "a far lower number than in most developed nations" (Yoon 1). Another survey shows that as many as 57% of all Koreans find homosexuality "unacceptable" (Novak). Wee found that attitudes toward same-sex marriage in Korea differ depending on gender, with "nearly 70% of female respondents" accepting marriage equality compared with just over 50% for males (1).

Although homosexuality is not technically illegal in Korean society, there are also no laws that protect gay and lesbian individuals from workplace and other types of discrimination. Moreover, marriage equality and homosexuality in general are not widely accepted, and in most cases members of the LGBTQ community are shunned and can be scorned without repercussion due to the entrenchment of anti-gay social norms. In other words, there is far more stigma against being gay than against persecuting gay people. For example, the first high-profile celebrity to come out in Korea, actor Hong Seok-chun, "lost all his TV, film, and radio contracts" (Borowiec 1). These types of stories have become relatively common because, as an increasing number of Koreans push for social justice, their cases of workplace discrimination or social isolation are being reported in the media.

Instances of workplace discrimination are relatively common in Korea, with fear of losing one's job or being isolated from friends and family cited as the primary reasons why many Koreans choose to remain in the closet. Novak profiles a gay couple who, although married in the United States, have not yet told their friends and family back in Korea. Another respondent said, "I went into the closet again because of work. Because my superiors are all [in their] 40s and 50s and they don't really know what gay is, and I was afraid I might lose my job" (cited by Novak 1). The organizer of the Korea Queer Culture Festival in South Korea points to the particular problems with coming out in Korea: "The worst thing is the rejection and isolation from belonging to a group, such as family, workplace, neighborhood, society and the country," in a country that so strongly stresses the importance of social cohesion (Novak 1).

Support for same-sex marriage is growing in South Korea, but slowly. The reasons behind the United States Supreme Court decision related to same-sex marriage are linked to the right to privacy and the right to equal protection under the law. In Korea, a similar set of values underlies the progressive push toward marriage equality, even if those values are less vocally expressed. The majority (67.5%) of Koreans surveyed believed that marriage should be about "personal choice," yet only 12% believed that marriage equality is necessary to promote human rights, and only 13.6% believed that sexual orientation is "determined by nature" (Wee 1). About a third of Koreans claimed that they would "treat the same as before" relatives who came out as gay, whereas the majority of men struggled with this notion (Wee 1). Wee also points out that one reason "men were less supportive of marriage equality" could be related to the fact that "only 12.8% of male respondents said that they had met an openly gay person, compared to 48.3% of women" (1).

Methods: Participants and Interview Design

Participants included both men and women working for a large multinational corporation based in South Korea. Participants were selected at random within three different age cohorts: 20–30, 30–40, and 40 and older. After sending out requests to participate in the research, a total of 15 people agreed to take part. Of those 15, four were aged 40 and older (2 female, 2 male); five were between 30 and 40 (3 female, 2 male); and six were between ages 20 and 30 (2 female, 4 male). Privacy and anonymity were assured via a signed informed consent form. Participants were asked to provide additional demographic information including educational level and religion, though these were not considered core research variables.

The interviews were conducted digitally via email, and this method was chosen for several reasons. First, a digital interview allows the participant greater leeway in terms of time. Allowing participants to choose their own time to answer the questions ensured the maximum number of participants by reducing barriers to completion. Participants were able to spend more time on some questions than others, or to structure the interview over the course of several days rather than sitting with an interviewer in a single session. Second, email interviews were less intimidating than in-person interviews, encouraging participants to remain anonymous while also allowing a good degree of reflection on each question. The primary disadvantage of this method is the lack of access to the nuances of body language. However, email interviews do make it possible for the interviewer to present follow-up questions.

The interview questions were developed based on the review of literature and the issues that South Koreans seem most concerned about regarding same-sex marriage, including religious and traditional values and fears about discrimination. All questions were designed to be as open-ended as possible, and participants were encouraged to take their time and answer thoughtfully. No compensation was offered for participation.

Works Cited

Borowiec, Steven. "South Korea's LGBT Community is Fighting for Equal Rights." Time. Feb 11, 2014.

Novak, Kathy. "The Problem with Being Gay in South Korea." CNN. 19 Oct. 2015.

Wee, Darren. "South Korean Women Overwhelmingly Support Gay Marriage, Men Not So Much." Gay Star News. 6 Aug. 2015.

Yoon, Julie. "LGBT People in Conservative S. Korea Find Hope." The China Post. 18 Sep. 2015.