Adolescent Crime: Brain Development and Teen Delinquency

Introduction: The Adolescent Crime Problem

Virtually no one can deny that there is a definite, tangible link between adolescence and crime. Anyone unfamiliar with this subject would be hard pressed to dispute the statistical data that points to that dangerous connection. In 1990, teenagers were more than 3.5 times more likely to commit an indexed crime than were adults in the United States. Index crimes encompass both violent criminal activity — such as murder and non-negligent manslaughter, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault — as well as serious property crimes such as burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson (No author 1990). This point is underscored by the fact that in 2005, approximately 10,000 prisoners in the United States were serving life sentences for actions committed before they turned 18 (Liptak 2005). This proclivity among teenage criminal offenders is also evident overseas. In Australia, for example, "teenagers aged 15 to 19 were more likely to be charged for a crime than any other age group, including adults, and the offending rate was almost four times as much" (Styles 2011). With recidivism rates on par with those for general criminal offenses, the message is clear: teenagers are the population subset most likely to engage, repeatedly, in criminal behavior.

What makes this phenomenon all the more compelling — and in certain cases, tragic — is the very nature of adolescence, which is wedged between the final stages of childhood and the impending hopes of adulthood. In much the same way that several physical aspects of teenagers are undergoing rapid changes, their emotional and mental development is also undergoing significant transformations. To that end, teenagers are far from adults and, as some academics and laypeople argue, should not be judged for their actions as adults are. It is quite possible that the link between teenagers and criminal behavior is an effect of the psychic and emotional metamorphosis they are undergoing, much of which is attributed to the fact that their brains are still forming.

A substantial amount of evidence corroborates this thesis, including the decidedly juvenile and even aberrant nature of some serious crimes committed by adolescents. In 1994, 16-year-old Michael Johnson both allowed and watched two friends stab his grandparents to death (Krueger 2006). In November 1997, 15-year-old Rebecca Falcon and 18-year-old Clifton Gilchrist were responsible for the murder of a taxi driver — a killing that was not a robbery attempt and had little apparent practical motive (Liptak 2005). This murder was one of several instances of teenagers being charged with felony murder, meaning they "participated in a serious crime that led to a killing but" were "not proved to have killed anyone" (Liptak 2005). On Super Bowl Sunday in 1992, 14-year-old Timothy Kane — who had no prior history of violence or involvement with the criminal justice system — was present when two friends murdered a husband and nearly decapitated his wife during a burglary. Kane is currently serving a life sentence for a deed he did not directly commit, and his case is another example of teenagers becoming entangled in inexplicable crimes that shape the rest of their lives (Liptak 2005).

References

Krueger, J.G. (2006). "Brain science offers insight to teen crime." ABQTrib. Retrieved from http://www.abqtrib.com/news/2006/dec/08/brain-science-offers-insight-teen-crime/

Liptak, A. (2005). "Jailed for life after crimes as teenagers." New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/03/national/03lifers.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all

No author. (1990). "Teenagers have the highest crime rates." Race Matters. Retrieved from

Reynolds, J. (2007). "Crime and the teenage brain." The Monterey County Herald. Retrieved from

Styles, A. (2011). "Fears over the rise of teenage gangs." WA Today. Retrieved from http://www.watoday.com.au/wa-news/fears-over-the-rise-of-teenage-crime-gangs-20111111-1nbxm.html