Gender Inequality in Economics, Labor, and Resource Access

Introduction: Gender and Social Organization

Societies are organized in an exceedingly gendered manner. The "natural" difference between females and males, and the attribution of distinct traits to both genders, lies at the heart of all social institutions' structures — from families and job markets to the private-public division and access to power. Consequently, resource access and the enjoyment of secure property rights remain highly gendered across many parts of the world. Females, both minor and adult, suffer particularly due to unfair land rights, and encounter obstacles when it comes to accessing resources and even their own inheritance. That is not to say that males — adult as well as minor — are never faced with such challenges (consider the example of first sons inheriting more than their younger brothers). Furthermore, limited rights to resource access can impair people's ability to access other services. For instance, a female's limited property ownership can render her unable to gain access to credit, since land is typically used as collateral. Attaining more equitable resource access thus provides considerable opportunities for female empowerment as well as economic development (Fitriani 1).

Additionally, a large number of initiatives aimed at improving financial service access have been widely implemented to provide better opportunities to the poverty-stricken class of society. Though mixed outcomes have been noted with regard to their success, analyses of gendered micro-financial service targeting reveal that male beneficiaries do not contribute as much as their female counterparts to familial food security and overall wellness. Though microcredit programs show potential in increasing females' self-confidence and small-scale earnings, they may also increase susceptibility and indebtedness. They typically reach only the moderately poor, moreover, and fail to cater to the most destitute individuals (McGinn et al. 85).

Though some researchers have found that female entrepreneurs, employed females, or property owners display lower rates of domestic violence experience, other researchers have revealed greater incidence — especially within conservative cultures — reflecting the effects of evolving power dynamics. Hence, initiatives that endeavor to make females financially stronger (such as microcredit programs) must take into account the best means of mitigating adverse effects, for example by incorporating violence prevention programs (Fitriani 3).

Resource Access, Agriculture, and Food Security

Females' domestic roles frequently cause them to disproportionately rely on natural resources. Water sources such as wells situated far from their homes can appreciably increase their workload. Forest conservation plans may also restrict their access to forest products, thereby adversely affecting their survival strategies. For these reasons, donors and program designers must include females in the planning and implementation of relevant programs (Federation 10).

Moreover, females' contribution within the agricultural sector is usually far less visible than that of their male counterparts. Men are more likely to be landowners with access to fertilizers and credit for improving yield, and are thus better positioned to sell their products at high value. Meanwhile, females typically make up the major part of unpaid agricultural labor, and cultivate less profitable crops or produce goods for domestic use only. The broader options available to males, and their more formal agricultural role, may be attributed to societal norms which designate formal work as the domain of men, thereby facilitating their access to credit, data, and technology. As a result of such norms, matriarchal families typically encounter particular difficulties within rural communities (Fitriani 1).

Despite these restrictions, females play a significant role in global food production. They are generally responsible for growing most staple crops intended for petty trade and personal consumption, and for raising small farm animals such as chickens. Guaranteeing females equal access to resources and educational opportunities — such as agricultural extension services, technological inputs, and credit — could unlock considerable potential for agrarian efficiency and development. Likewise, it is important to strengthen female business capabilities and opportunities for improving agricultural market access. Recent studies have specifically underscored the potential to educate and empower teenage girls, and their contribution to domestic tasks including agriculture (Arber et al. 20).

Labor Markets, Unpaid Care, and Employment Inequality

Increased formal male involvement within labor markets relative to females may be explained by a combination of factors: differences in how men and women use their time; gendered differences in access to productive inputs; gendered market and institutional failures; different educational levels; gender stereotyping within skills and occupational training; and discrepancies in labor market demand. Domestic duties serve as a particular obstacle to equal female involvement within the labor force.

Since the last decade of the twentieth century, China has been experiencing increased employment pressures, with several working-age urban individuals becoming unemployed. An analysis of the 2000 age- and gender-specific urban Chinese employment rate curve reveals two notable findings: the decline in the female labor force curve occurs five or more years earlier than for males, and it declines more quickly for females than for males. The most significant structural reform within the Chinese workforce from 1982 to the start of the new millennium was the decline in labor force concentration in forestry, fisheries, agriculture, and animal rearing (Fitriani 5).

As a result, gendered differences persist in the types of jobs held by females and males. Men are mostly concentrated in managerial positions and the construction sector, whereas women are typically confined to historically feminine occupations such as care work, lower administrative posts, and low-skill production. Female earning-related activities are also usually confined to informal areas such as household work, home-based tasks, and petty trade (McGinn et al. 85).

A shifting global trend has been observed toward labor market "feminization" — a growth in female participation in paid employment accompanied by increased labor market flexibility. This transformation has affected both female and male employment and conditions of work. Workforce members increasingly face lower job security due to subcontracting, part-time employment, and work-from-home arrangements offered by employers (Kanbur et al. 92).

Similarly, the world economy is being marked by increased joblessness among both young males and females. Though the share of unemployment is greater among females, the absolute number of young males adversely impacted is greater owing to their higher labor market participation. The longer young people go without work, the harder their reintegration into the workforce; furthermore, discouraged youth are at risk of developing feelings of uselessness and social alienation. Within societies that view income earning as a precondition for marriage, such unemployment may prove especially harmful. In extreme cases, large concentrations of unemployed young males may fuel political tensions, volatility, and radicalization.

Mainstream economics has conventionally focused on the monetized elements of the economy, overlooking the areas of "unpaid work" or "social reproduction," which include unpaid care and the production of subsistence goods. Unpaid care encompasses domestic tasks such as household cleaning and meal preparation, and caring for family members — for example, bathing children or looking after an elderly relative (McGinn et al. 88).

Unfortunately, females perform most unpaid care-related tasks in all communities. Despite the social and economic value of these tasks, and their role in ensuring societal well-being, they are not taken into account in GDP (gross domestic product) calculations or labor force surveys. This care economy has been projected to potentially amount to 10–39% of GDP. Domestic care initiatives have been developed in certain settings where demands are not adequately met by public health service entities (Fitriani 4).

Policies must therefore recognize and address this care economy, providing support to both unpaid and paid care providers so they can enjoy economic security and social rights. Given female prevalence within this sector, such policies may help increase females' social and economic security and advance societal gender equality. An empirical basis for capturing the extent of care work is needed, and time-use questionnaires increasingly adopted by developing nations may facilitate the collection of such data. Recent studies reveal that unpaid care has remained largely invisible within social policies (McGinn et al. 85).

Works Cited

Arber, Sara, and Jay Ginn. Gender and Later Life: A Sociological Analysis of Resources and Constraints. Sage Publications, 1991.

Bell, B. T. "How Did the Kardashian Jenner Family Become So Successful? A Psychologist Explains." The Conversation, 2018.

Berry, Sara. "Social Institutions and Access to Resources." Africa, vol. 59, no. 1, 1989, pp. 41–55.

Boyd, Monica, and Elizabeth Grieco. "Women and Migration: Incorporating Gender into International Migration Theory." Migration Information Source, vol. 1, no. 35, 2003, p. 28.

Federation, All-China Women's. "Gender Equality and Women's Development in China." 2007.

Fitriani, Fitriani. "Gender in International Conflict: Women Representation in Security Discourse." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional, vol. 8, no. 2, 2012.

Kanbur, Ravi, and Xiaobo Zhang. "Spatial Inequality in Education and Health Care in China." Regional Inequality in China, Routledge, 2009, pp. 92–110.

McGinn, Kathleen L., and Eunsil Oh. "Gender, Social Class, and Women's Employment." Current Opinion in Psychology, vol. 18, 2017, pp. 84–88.

Palmer, Ingrid. Gender and Population in the Adjustment of African Economies: Planning for Change. 1991.

Sen, Gita, and Piroska Östlin. "Gender Inequity in Health: Why It Exists and How We Can Change It." 2008, pp. 1–12.