How Individual Leaders Shape Foreign Policy: Byman & Pollack
This paper examines the central argument of Daniel Byman and Kenneth Pollack's article "Let Us Now Praise Great Men," which calls on political scientists to take the first level of political analysis more seriously. The authors contend that individual leaders' personalities, risk tolerance, and decision-making capacity meaningfully shape their nations' foreign policy, independent of structural or domestic forces. The paper surveys eight of the thirteen testable hypotheses Byman and Pollack derive, illustrating each with historical cases including Bismarck and Wilhelm II, Napoleon Bonaparte, Hitler, Roosevelt and Churchill, and Ayatollah Khomeini. Together these examples demonstrate how leader-level analysis can generate predictive theories of international relations.
- Introduction: The Three Levels of Political Analysis: Three analytical levels in international relations theory
- Why Individual Leaders Matter in International Relations: Byman and Pollack's three reasons for first-level analysis
- Leaders and National Intentions: The Bismarck–Wilhelm II Case: Hypotheses one and two illustrated by German leadership
- Military Power, Risk-Taking, and Alliance Durability: Napoleon, Hitler, Roosevelt, and Churchill as case studies
- Concentrated Power, Crisis Leadership, and Institutional Influence: Khomeini and Hitler on power concentration and crisis
- Conclusion: The Case for First-Level Analysis: Final hypotheses reinforce individual leader impact
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What makes this paper effective
- The paper clearly identifies and explains the central thesis before moving into supporting evidence, giving the reader a firm orientation from the outset.
- Each hypothesis is matched with a specific, well-chosen historical example, making abstract theoretical claims concrete and easy to follow.
- The paper maintains a logical sequence, moving from the general framework (three levels of analysis) down to specific hypotheses, mirroring the structure of the source article itself.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper demonstrates effective summary and analytical synthesis of a scholarly article. Rather than simply listing the hypotheses, it contextualizes each within the broader argument Byman and Pollack are making — showing how individual case studies serve as evidence for a larger theoretical project about leader-level analysis in international relations.
Structure breakdown
The paper opens by situating Byman and Pollack's argument within the three-level framework of political analysis. It then explains why the authors believe the first level has been unfairly marginalized and outlines their three primary reasons for reviving it. The bulk of the paper walks through eight of the thirteen hypotheses the authors propose, each anchored to a historical example. The paper concludes implicitly by completing this survey, reinforcing the cumulative case for individual-level analysis.
Introduction: The Three Levels of Political Analysis
The central argument of the article by Byman and Pollack is that political scientists should begin theorizing about the impact individual leaders have upon their countries' foreign relations. Scholars recognize that three levels of political analysis exist with regard to international relations. The first level deals with how individual leaders influence the behavior of their nations. The second level deals with how nations' international behavior is affected by domestic forces such as parliaments, bureaucracies, opposition parties, and public opinion. The third level deals with how nations' behavior is determined by their relative power position within the world. For a long time, political scientists have marginalized the importance of the first level of analysis, based on the notion that the more impersonal second and third levels more significantly shape a country's foreign policy.
Why Individual Leaders Matter in International Relations
Byman and Pollack argue that political scientists should not marginalize the impact of individuals on international relations for the following reasons. The first reason is that a diverse array of human personality traits exist within leaders, and these can help explain why certain leaders behave in certain ways. For example, leaders who are aggressive, prone to risk-taking, and greedy most often take their nations to war. The second reason is that first-level political analysis can contribute to the creation of complex political theories capable of predicting the behavior of nations. The third reason is that first-level analysis can help explain nations' intentions, which are often formed independently of security concerns. In other words, how states seek to maintain their security in the world depends upon whether they — or rather their leaders — intend to make war or peace with others.
Byman and Pollack go on to provide evidence supporting their argument by showing that first-level analysis can generate testable hypotheses that could later be developed into political theories about foreign relations. They themselves derive thirteen hypotheses for further testing, some of which are described here. The first hypothesis is that a nation's primary and secondary intentions are set by its political leaders. This means that a leader is capable of influencing his or her country's intentions toward making either war or peace.
Leaders and National Intentions: The Bismarck–Wilhelm II Case
A compelling example used to demonstrate the first hypothesis involves comparing Germany's foreign policy under Bismarck and then under Wilhelm II. Bismarck made sure to signal to Germany's adversaries that its intentions were peaceful; he demonstrated this by having Germany form alliances with its rivals France and Russia. Wilhelm II, on the other hand, changed Germany's intentions completely by breaking those alliances, supporting the creation of a German navy, and alarming rivals with expansionist ambitions. This change in intentions occurred despite the fact that the country faced no new imminent external threats and experienced no radical changes within its internal institutions.
A second hypothesis is that individual leaders can have a significant influence upon their countries' diplomatic or military strength. The French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte is offered as an example to demonstrate this hypothesis; he was considered one of France's greatest military generals, who personally led his army from one victory to another throughout Europe.
Military Power, Risk-Taking, and Alliance Durability
A third hypothesis states that nations possessing leaders prone to risk-taking are more likely to wage war. Hitler demonstrated this by first invading France and later attempting to invade Russia, despite the enormous risk of military defeat. A fourth hypothesis states that nations led by leaders with predictable behaviors can develop longer-lasting alliances. Democratic leaders are thought to best exhibit this behavior, as seen in the close alliance fostered between the United States and Britain through their respective leaders Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill.
Conclusion: The Case for First-Level Analysis
A seventh hypothesis is that individuals can influence a nation's internal institutions to reflect his or her foreign policy choices. It can be seen that a leader like Hitler was able to bring various internal forces — such as the German military and the public — together in support of his ambitions of conquest. An eighth hypothesis is that individuals can shape their countries' position of power in the world. A clear example is how France was able to attain an even greater status as a major world power thanks to Napoleon's military successes in Europe. Taken together, these hypotheses illustrate the substantial explanatory power that first-level analysis can offer to the study of international relations.
Works Cited
Byman, Daniel L. and Pollack, Kenneth M. "Let Us Now Praise Great Men: Bringing the Statesmen Back In." International Security, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Spring 2001), pp. 107–146.
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