Organic Food Purchasing Among German and Italian Consumers

Introduction and Market Context

The organic food market in Europe is growing rapidly. Over the last decade, demand has increased by double digits, rising to €26.2 billion in 2014 (IFOAM, 2015). This growth is expected to continue, as consumers appear to associate many positive characteristics and benefits with organic products. Research undertaken by MINTEL found that organic food was perceived as healthier and safer; 46% of German and 50% of French consumers surveyed by the organization stated they believed it was safer than non-organic food due to the absence of pesticides (MINTEL, 2015).

The trend towards organic food, which is often sold at a premium price, may be considered noteworthy, as it has been occurring during a period of economic hardship in which discount supermarkets have been thriving (Puelles, Diaz-Bustamante, & Carcelen, 2016). This pattern indicates that those buying organic food may perceive its benefits as worth the premium price, but it does not explain which factors are shaping those views.

In the past, research has sought to identify and classify purchasers of organic food by examining demographic factors such as age, education, and income, with mixed results and without producing a clear profile of a typical organic food purchaser (Hughner, McDonagh, Prothero, Shultz, & Stanton, 2007). Some broad patterns have emerged: those most likely to buy organic food are mainly women and tend to be older, although mothers with children are also known to hold generally positive views about organic food (Hughner et al., 2007). Older consumers may be more likely to purchase organic food because of greater affordability, as they are likely to have a higher level of disposable income (Hughner et al., 2007). However, these patterns alone are insufficient to define who buys organic food or what influences that decision. Additional research has been undertaken to improve understanding, but the existing body of work remains mixed and has not yet produced a uniform consensus on the profile of organic food purchasers or the factors influencing their choices.

Education and Cultural Influences on Organic Food

One area frequently assumed to influence purchase decisions is education (Anic, Rajh, & Rajh, 2014). It is often assumed that different educational levels will affect decision-making through differing degrees of knowledge. However, in the context of organic food, no singular purchasing pattern has been identified. Researchers have found both positive and negative correlations between education and organic food purchasing (Chinnici, D'Amico, & Pecorino, 2002; Wilkins & Hillers, 1994). Notably, the work of Jolly (1991) indicated that education had no influence, either positive or negative. Consequently, there is no general agreement in the literature regarding the relationship between education and organic food purchasing behavior.

A research report by MINTEL (2015) also indicates that there are differences in national purchasing patterns, which may reflect cultural differences, as evidenced through extensive consumer surveys. This assertion is supported by the work of McDonagh and Prothero (2005), who found that attitudes towards food can differ by culture. These observations indicate the need for further research to understand which influences may be driving current organic food purchasing patterns. The research presented in this paper seeks to address these gaps, building on the work of theorists such as Chinnici et al. (2002) and Wilkins and Hillers (1994) to assess whether educational levels exert an influence, and also examining the potential role of cultural differences, as suggested by McDonagh and Prothero (2005).

Research Findings: National Differences

The research was conducted with a sample of 100 respondents in Germany and Italy. The initial findings appeared to indicate some differences between German and Italian consumers. Results demonstrated a notably higher level of confidence among German consumers regarding what the term "organic" actually means: 90% of German respondents stated they knew, compared to only 70% of Italian respondents. This suggests potential differences within the marketplace and points to divergences at the stages before a purchase of organic food is even considered.

For example, in the model presented by Yiridoe, Bonti-Ankomah, and Martin (2005), it is noted that external factors have a specific impact on knowledge and awareness, including understanding what is meant by "organic" and the general concepts associated with it. With German consumers displaying a higher level of confidence in their knowledge of organic food, it may be argued that there are some external environmental differences at play. However, as established in the existing literature, Germany has a longer and more established tradition of organic farming and is one of the world's largest markets for organic food. This difference may therefore be explained by the greater availability of traditional organic food products in that country.

There were also some apparent differences when examining the attributes associated with organic food. Many more Italians (33.3%) believed organic food was not grown on a large scale compared to Germans (10%), while more Germans (40%) than Italians (13.3%) believed that organic food tasted better. Given these results, it might have been expected that analysis of the different attitudes towards organic food and purchasing practices would reveal some differences based on nationality, thereby indicating the influence of different national cultures.

References

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Chinnici, F., D'Amico, M., & Pecorino, B. (2002). A multivariate statistical analysis on the consumers of organic products. British Food Journal, 3(4), 187–199.

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