Organic Food Purchasing Among German and Italian Consumers

Introduction and Market Context

The organic food market in Europe is growing rapidly. Over the last decade, demand has increased by double digits, rising to €26.2 billion in 2014 (IFOAM, 2015). This growth is expected to continue, as consumers appear to associate many positive characteristics and benefits with organic products. Research undertaken by MINTEL found that organic food was perceived as healthier and safer; 46% of German and 50% of French consumers surveyed by the organization stated they believed it was safer than non-organic food due to the absence of pesticides (MINTEL, 2015).

The trend towards organic food, which is often sold at a premium price, may be considered noteworthy, as it has been occurring during a period of economic hardship in which discount supermarkets have been thriving (Puelles, Diaz-Bustamante, & Carcelen, 2016). This pattern indicates that those buying organic food may perceive its benefits as worth the premium price, but it does not explain which factors are shaping those views.

In the past, research has sought to identify and classify purchasers of organic food by examining demographic factors such as age, education, and income, with mixed results and without producing a clear profile of a typical organic food purchaser (Hughner, McDonagh, Prothero, Shultz, & Stanton, 2007). Some broad patterns have emerged: those most likely to buy organic food are mainly women and tend to be older, although mothers with children are also known to hold generally positive views about organic food (Hughner et al., 2007). Older consumers may be more likely to purchase organic food because of greater affordability, as they are likely to have a higher level of disposable income (Hughner et al., 2007). However, these patterns alone are insufficient to define who buys organic food or what influences that decision. Additional research has been undertaken to improve understanding, but the existing body of work remains mixed and has not yet produced a uniform consensus on the profile of organic food purchasers or the factors influencing their choices.

One area frequently assumed to influence purchase decisions is education (Anic, Rajh, & Rajh, 2014). It is often assumed that different educational levels will affect decision-making through differing degrees of knowledge. However, in the context of organic food, no singular purchasing pattern has been identified. Researchers have found both positive and negative correlations between education and organic food purchasing (Chinnici, D'Amico, & Pecorino, 2002; Wilkins & Hillers, 1994). Notably, the work of Jolly (1991) indicated that education had no influence, either positive or negative. Consequently, there is no general agreement in the literature regarding the relationship between education and organic food purchasing behavior.

A research report by MINTEL (2015) also indicates that there are differences in national purchasing patterns, which may reflect cultural differences, as evidenced through extensive consumer surveys. This assertion is supported by the work of McDonagh and Prothero (2005), who found that attitudes towards food can differ by culture. These observations indicate the need for further research to understand which influences may be driving current organic food purchasing patterns. The research presented in this paper seeks to address these gaps, building on the work of theorists such as Chinnici et al. (2002) and Wilkins and Hillers (1994) to assess whether educational levels exert an influence, and also examining the potential role of cultural differences, as suggested by McDonagh and Prothero (2005).

The research was conducted with a sample of 100 respondents in Germany and Italy. The initial findings appeared to indicate some differences between German and Italian consumers. Results demonstrated a notably higher level of confidence among German consumers regarding what the term "organic" actually means: 90% of German respondents stated they knew, compared to only 70% of Italian respondents. This suggests potential differences within the marketplace and points to divergences at the stages before a purchase of organic food is even considered.

Education and Cultural Influences on Organic Food

For example, in the model presented by Yiridoe, Bonti-Ankomah, and Martin (2005), it is noted that external factors have a specific impact on knowledge and awareness, including understanding what is meant by "organic" and the general concepts associated with it. With German consumers displaying a higher level of confidence in their knowledge of organic food, it may be argued that there are some external environmental differences at play. However, as established in the existing literature, Germany has a longer and more established tradition of organic farming and is one of the world's largest markets for organic food. This difference may therefore be explained by the greater availability of traditional organic food products in that country.

There were also some apparent differences when examining the attributes associated with organic food. Many more Italians (33.3%) believed organic food was not grown on a large scale compared to Germans (10%), while more Germans (40%) than Italians (13.3%) believed that organic food tasted better. Given these results, it might have been expected that analysis of the different attitudes towards organic food and purchasing practices would reveal some differences based on nationality, thereby indicating the influence of different national cultures.

However, the results were somewhat surprising. Even with some apparent differences between the two groups, the application of chi-squared tests demonstrated, at a 95% level of probability, that there was no statistically significant difference between the two groups — either in terms of purchasing practices or attitudes towards organic food. Interestingly, had differences been found between the two groups, a further consideration would have been whether those differences were due to divergences in educational systems and the way in which knowledge about food is conveyed. However, as this was not the case, the result indicates that national culture is not a significant influence, and therefore even if differences in educational systems exist, they do not appear to affect purchases of, or attitudes towards, organic food.

The assessment of education's impact on organic food purchases proved to be the more analytically interesting element of the research, especially given that past research has indicated education may affect food purchasing behavior (Anic et al., 2014). It is also an area where contradictory findings have previously been reported (Chinnici et al., 2002; Wilkins & Hillers, 1994). In this study, the results were more closely aligned with those of Jolly (1991), who found that education has no impact on the purchase decision. The research presented here goes further than simply examining the purchase decision: it also demonstrates that there is no correlation between education and attitudes towards organic food, whether positive or negative.

Research Findings: National Differences

Overall, the results were relatively surprising given the initial indications from the descriptive data, but not entirely unexpected given their alignment with some prior research. In concluding that there is no relationship between either national culture or education and organic food purchasing behavior, the limitations of the sample must also be considered. The sample of 100 people was relatively small and can be seen as somewhat unrepresentative. In both national samples, individuals with a bachelor's degree or higher were overrepresented relative to the general population of each country. However, if a correlation between attitudes, purchases, and education were present across a spread of individuals at different educational levels — not only bachelor's degree holders, but also those with master's and doctoral qualifications — this should have been apparent even within this small sample. As this was not the case, the study concludes that there is no correlation, either positive or negative, between educational level and purchasing practices or attitudes towards organic food.

While the findings appear to be negative in the sense that national culture and education do not have an impact on purchases or attitudes towards organic food, this does not mean the results themselves are without value. If there are no differences in terms of attitudes and purchasing practices across the two nations, this may provide useful information to marketers and those promoting organic food, such as nonprofit organizations. If different attitudes do not already exist between the groups, then any campaigns developed require only moderate levels of localization to account for other differences such as language and general cultural preferences (Taylor, 2010). This may help reduce costs and complexities, and increase the viability of Europe-wide marketing or promotional campaigns to support positive attitudes towards, and the sale of, organic food. With aligned consumer attitudes, marketing messages may remain consistent even if the communication channels differ.

The research also indicates that when defining the target market for organic food, segmentation should not be applied on the basis of demographics such as education and geographical location. This suggests that there is a potentially larger market for organic food, and that barriers associated with niche or narrow demographic distinctions will not prevent growth in the appeal of, and sales of, organic food products.

However, while these conclusions may appear encouraging for the organic food industry, the caveats identified in the research should also be considered. While it may be suggested that there is a potentially larger market for organic food than is currently being reached — one that does not need to be segmented by national culture or education — these conclusions are based on only a small sample. It is therefore recommended that further research be undertaken using a much larger sample, possibly utilizing a stratified sampling method to achieve a sample with greater alignment to the target population. Sample size could be assessed using a programme such as G*Power. With a larger sample, it may also be worth considering the impact of psychographic factors, rather than relying solely on demographic variables.