Pentecostal Groups in North-East India: Challenges & Opportunities

Introduction: Religion and Unrest in North-East India

With a population already exceeding 1.28 billion and growing every day, India is the second-most populous country in the world, and may outpace China's 1.38 billion people in the foreseeable future. Although nearly 80% of India's population — approximately 1.2 billion people — are practicing Hindus, several other major religions have significant representation in the country as well, including Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism.¹ Although India has a long tradition of religious tolerance, longstanding hostilities between Hindus and Muslims continue to create tensions in the hotly contested Kashmir region, and the potential for war between these two nuclear powers remains ever present.²

Taken together, it is clear that religion remains a powerful force in India today, but many minority religious groups face profound challenges in this country as well as significant opportunities for the future. Given that Pentecostalism is a vibrant form of Christianity with the potential to carry the Gospel to every country in the world, this paper examines the challenges and opportunities facing Pentecostal groups in North-East India today, followed by a summary of the research and important findings in the conclusion.

The Eight States: Ethnic Diversity and Socioeconomic Conditions

The eight states of North-East India — Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, and Tripura — are all rich in culture and share a common geographical region. They are also all plagued by intermittent terrorism from a variety of sources as well as inter-ethnic conflicts. Beyond those broad commonalities, however, the similarities largely end. According to one authority, "The North-East consists of 40 million people spread over eight states that cover 263,000 square kilometers and none of them would agree to fight for the liberation of the 'Northeast' in general."³

North-East India has several natural frontiers with neighboring countries, all of which contribute to heightened regional tensions. The frequently hostile terrain, combined with "the multiplicity of insurgency activities, militants [and] terrorists [has] created havoc in the border areas."⁴ This regional unrest has been further exacerbated by at least 30 different separatist groups seeking autonomy or outright independence from the Indian federation, as well as "battles for territorial supremacy amongst the different ethnic groups themselves."⁵ This problem is especially pronounced given that approximately 400 tribal or sub-tribal groups and 160 Scheduled Tribes live side-by-side in North-East India. The strategic alliances forged between these groups frequently "transcend inter-state and international borders."⁶

This level of ethnic diversity is not limited to North-East India, but it is more highly pronounced in this region — a key factor fueling ongoing unrest. According to Pulla, besides the four traditional groups in the Indian caste system based on occupations (Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Sudra), there are also "two more marginalized caste groups, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, who are living outside the mainstream of the society because of their lower social status [which] adversely affects the equality of opportunities to the disadvantage of these groups."⁷ Caught in the middle of this ethnic, religious, political, and social unrest are millions of ordinary Indian citizens who want nothing more than to earn a living and improve the lives of their children. Earning a living in North-East India is itself a challenging enterprise, as many of the states suffer from impoverished conditions and a fundamental lack of employment opportunities.⁸

To its credit, the central Indian government has made significant investments in developmental projects throughout North-East India in recent years, but the outcomes have been mixed. Hussain emphasizes that "leakage of funds at various levels of the government machinery [means] development funds are making their way into the coffers of the insurgent groups."⁹ Other constraints have also undermined these efforts, including a lack of the requisite expertise and training needed to apply investment funds effectively.¹⁰

It is important to note, however, that the same level of unrest and insurgency does not exist equally throughout North-East India — some regions remain peaceful and increasingly prosperous. The characterization of the entire region as troubled has further complicated efforts to address the problems where they are most severe. As Hussain concludes, "It is very unfair to bracket all these North Eastern states as disturbed areas. This only proves lack of understanding of complex problems of the North Eastern region. It must be understood that no two states of North East are similar. In fact, each state has its own set of problems. They have been grouped as North Eastern region on geographical convenience only."¹¹

Historical Growth of Pentecostalism in North-East India

This is the complex and convoluted environment facing many of the Pentecostal groups operating in North-East India today. Many of these groups have a lengthy history in India in general and in the North-East in particular that dates to antiquity. Christianity can even be regarded as an Asian religion; St. Thomas and/or St. Bartholomew are considered the founders of Indian Christianity.¹² Notwithstanding their status as relatively small minorities in the North-East, the historic positive influence of Pentecostals has been significant, especially in the fields of healthcare, social services, and education.¹³

While the numbers of Pentecostals in North-East India have increased significantly in recent years — especially among marginalized ethnic groups — their presence actually dates back more than 300 years, as shown in the timeline below.

Timeline of Historical Growth of Pentecostalism in North-East India

1700–1900s: In the 1700s, German Lutherans and British Baptists established Protestant missions in southern and western India. In 1860, revivals in the United States and Europe inspired an Indian Anglican to lead a Pentecostal revival in southern India. In the 1860s and 1870s, Protestant churches in southern India attracted many Dalits (or "untouchables" — Indians outside of the caste system). Beginning in the 1880s, Protestantism also grew in Punjab, in northern India. Christian conversions inspired Hindu counter-movements, including the Arya Samaj, founded in 1875.

1910–1960: An American woman became the first Assemblies of God (AG) missionary to India, settling in southern India in 1915. In 1918, the Indian AG was formally established, and in 1927, an American missionary established the first permanent AG Bible college outside the United States in present-day Kerala. Indian pastor K. E. Abraham left the AG in 1929 and founded the Indian Pentecostal Church, one of India's largest Pentecostal denominations. The denomination split in 1953, leading to the creation of the Sharon Fellowship Church. Between 1900 and independence in 1947, thousands of Hindus in southern India converted to Anglican and Baptist forms of Protestantism. According to the Indian census, the Christian growth rate between 1881 and 1931 was 338 percent, compared with 27 percent for Hindus.

1960–1994: This period saw the rapid growth of neo-Pentecostal churches, such as the New Life Fellowship, founded in 1968, which had approximately 1,500 house churches in Mumbai and 3,000 nationwide by 1996. By the late 1970s, the leadership of the AG and other Pentecostal churches had become indigenous. A 1988 study found that more than 3,000 indigenous Pentecostal and charismatic missionaries were working among non-Christians. By 1995, the Assemblies of God had become India's largest Pentecostal denomination, claiming 300,000 members. Christianity continued to grow rapidly in north-east India: of the seven north-eastern states, Nagaland was majority-Christian by 1961, and two more — Mizoram and Meghalaya — were majority-Christian by 1991.

1995–2002: The Indian Pentecostal Church had more than 50,000 members, concentrated in southern India. Pentecostals in southern India were estimated to total approximately 1 million in 1994. The AG church in Chennai became one of India's largest churches, growing to some 20,000 members by 2002.

2006–Present: The Pew Forum's 2006 Pentecostal survey of localities in three Indian states with relatively high percentages of Christians — Meghalaya, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu — found that more than one-in-ten Christians interviewed consider themselves charismatic or Pentecostal.¹⁴

Despite their long-term presence and contributions to the peoples of North-East India, growing religious unrest in the region has resulted in increasing numbers of Indians becoming reluctant to formally identify themselves as members of any Christian denomination.¹⁵ Nevertheless, India's long heritage of religious tolerance remains firmly in place at the local level in many regions of North-East India today, representing a clear opportunity for Pentecostal groups to gain new converts. As Phan advises, "At the level of the neighborhood, communities, religious differences do not generally create problems, with people sharing different foods, rituals, and festivals."¹⁶ Many people living in North-East India still subscribe to the traditional notion that all religions are legitimate, varying only in their expressions of faith and dogma. As Phan further notes, "The idea that only one religion is right and all others wrong was largely an alien concept in the region until rather recently. It is not espoused by Hinduism, the Sufi-influenced Islam of South Asia, or Buddhism. Orthopraxis was usually demanded only by locally-limited religious systems as a condition for common residence."¹⁷

Challenges: Violence, Proselytization, and Political Hostility

This opportunity for Pentecostals is countered by some serious challenges. Over the last two or three decades, religion in North-East India has become increasingly politicized due to the region's lingering economic difficulties, and religious-based conflicts have been exploited by fundamentalist groups in both Hindu and Muslim communities to advance their respective ideological causes.¹⁸ There have been reports of Christians being attacked as "alien outsiders," and these incidents have become more commonplace in response to incitement by Indian political organizations such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which accuse Pentecostal groups of forcing Indians to convert to Christianity. As Phan emphasizes, "Certain Pentecostal Churches from some countries that have recently come to or evolved in India tend to promote the view that only Jesus saves in a very strident, even aggressive, manner. Moreover, they not only preach that no other religion is efficacious, but that all other religions are of the devil — and this may include established Christian traditions."¹⁹

To the extent that even the perception of this type of forced proselytization exists among the otherwise religiously tolerant peoples of North-East India, mainstream Pentecostalists will be challenged to fulfill their missions. Moreover, this perception also adversely affects those who have already converted to Pentecostalism. As Phan emphasizes, "This particularly affects devout Christian youth, who feel their future prospects within the country will be limited by their faith. Needless to say, loud antagonistic attitudes worsen the often already difficult life of long-established Christians."²⁰

These issues help explain, at least in part, why Pentecostals have come under disproportionately high levels of anti-Christian violence in North-East India compared to other Protestant faiths.²¹ Like Phan, Rafudeen argues that "it is their aggressive proselytization activities that make them more susceptible in this regard, specifically [those that] target the young, those between the ages of 4 and 14."²² It is reasonable to suggest that if the situation were reversed — and the children of Pentecostals were targeted by Hindu missionaries in an equally aggressive fashion — they would not only resent it, but would take whatever measures were necessary to make it stop. Indeed, this same phenomenon is being experienced in a number of Western countries where lawmakers fear the growing influence of Islamic Sharia law on their societies.

From this perspective, the "routinized violence experienced by Christians, overwhelmingly Pentecostals, on an almost every day basis, especially in rural India" becomes far more readily understandable.²³ While some of this violence consists of relatively minor acts such as verbal abuse or throwing rocks at the windows of Pentecostal buildings, there have been numerous reports of far more serious incidents, including arson, rape, kidnapping, and murder.²⁴ Most local observers and national authorities agree that the majority of this violence is being instigated by the aforementioned RSS pursuant to their religious mandate to preserve their "Hinduness."²⁵

Paradoxically, one of the other reasons for increasing violence against Pentecostals in North-East India is the fact that they have been highly effective in their proselytization efforts and are currently the most visible and fastest-growing form of Christianity in India today.²⁶ It is important to note, however, that there are additional factors involved in the disproportionate targeting of Pentecostals. In contrast to Catholics or mainstream Protestant churches, the majority of Indian Pentecostal converts come from the lower castes, meaning they have no material wealth to invest in their communities. As Rafudeen adds, "Pentecostals by and large emerge from the lower castes of India. As such, their very public demeanor, as well as the fact that they have no interest in investing in the caste system, is considered a threat to the ritual purity of Indian society."²⁷ Furthermore, tensions have been exacerbated by the intentional depiction of Pentecostals as morally and religiously superior to locals, with Pentecostal women in particular cited for challenging longstanding conceptualizations of rural Indian femininity.²⁸

Conclusion

In the final analysis, Pentecostal groups in North-East India are faced with some profound challenges, but many of these are balanced by significant opportunities to help improve the lives of the people of North-East India in the future. The region's deep ethnic diversity, persistent poverty, and political unrest create a volatile environment for any minority religious group, and Pentecostals in particular have become targets of organized violence partly as a consequence of their own aggressive proselytization practices. Yet the same growth that draws hostility also demonstrates the resonance of Pentecostal faith among marginalized communities. By redirecting energy toward social services, education, and interfaith engagement — and by addressing the root cause of poverty that underlies so much of the region's conflict — Pentecostal groups have a genuine path toward sustainable mission in North-East India.

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