Sutherland's Differential Association Theory and Drug Trafficking
This paper examines Edwin Sutherland's Differential Association Theory as a criminological framework for understanding drug trafficking in the United States and internationally. Beginning with concrete examples of drug-related corruption in Peru and Latin America, the paper surveys the roles of youth gangs, firearms, drug warlords, and racial disparities in drug enforcement before turning to Sutherland's nine postulates and his argument that criminal behavior — including drug use and trafficking — is fundamentally learned through social interaction. The paper also addresses recidivism data, Howard Becker's complementary work on marijuana use, critiques of the theory, and the legislative responses Congress has enacted to combat organized drug crime.
- Introduction: Drug Trafficking in America and Latin America: Peruvian drug corruption and U.S. intelligence challenges
- Youth Gangs, Firearms, and Drug Sales: Gang involvement, drug sales, and firearms use
- Drug Warlordism and International Dimensions: Global drug warlordism threatening U.S. security
- Racial Disparities and U.S. Drug Policy: Racial bias in drug enforcement and extradition policy
- Sutherland's Differential Association Theory: Nine postulates of Sutherland's criminological theory
- Criminal Learning, Recidivism, and Social Disorganization: Recidivism data, Becker's work, and urban disorganization
- Conclusion: Learned behavior as root of drug trafficking
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What makes this paper effective
- It grounds an abstract criminological theory in concrete, real-world examples — from Peruvian political scandals to Kansas City gang research — making Sutherland's framework immediately relevant.
- The paper covers multiple scales of analysis (individual learning, gang dynamics, transnational warlordism, and legislative response), giving the theory breadth of application.
- It acknowledges criticisms of Sutherland's theory honestly, noting its failure to account for free will, biological factors, and the origins of crime, which adds intellectual balance.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper uses a "funnel structure" — opening with large-scale international drug trafficking cases and progressively narrowing toward the theoretical framework (Sutherland's nine postulates). This technique allows the theory to emerge as an explanatory solution to the documented problems, rather than being presented in isolation. Howard Becker's complementary research is then used to illustrate one specific postulate, demonstrating how to synthesize multiple theorists around a single argument.
Structure breakdown
The paper opens with two sections of empirical context covering corruption, gangs, firearms, warlordism, and policy failures. A transitional section on racial disparities bridges into the theoretical core, where Sutherland's biography, postulates, and four relational qualities (priority, frequency, duration, intensity) are explained. Supporting evidence from recidivism studies and Becker's drug-use research reinforces the theory. The conclusion ties everything back to the thesis that learned criminal behavior is the root of drug trafficking.
Introduction: Drug Trafficking in America and Latin America
The problem of drug trafficking in America today is an enormous one, with severe repercussions for the future of the entire country. When retired General Barry McCaffrey, the Director of the White House's Office of National Drug Control Policy, was on an official visit to Peru, that country was in the midst of a long series of scandals adversely affecting its administration. Reports revealed the discovery of approximately 170 kilograms of cocaine aboard the Peruvian Air Force plane that President Fujimori normally used for his travels. Shortly afterward, about 45 kilograms of cocaine were found aboard a Peruvian Navy ship docked in Vancouver, Canada. When accusations were exchanged, it was eventually concluded that Peruvian intelligence chief Montesinos had been protecting a drug trafficking organization known as the "Lopez Paredes" clan. This organization was supposedly dismantled in 1995, but in mid-August, the accused individual Demetrio Chavez — also known as "El Vaticano" — revealed in court that he had in fact been paying Montesinos US$50,000 every month in exchange for protection from investigation of his drug trafficking operations (Youngers & Rosin, 2005).
All of these allegations against Montesinos were published in La Reforma. The U.S. Embassy in Lima sent a letter to the Peruvian government stating that no U.S. drug enforcement officials had any relevant information confirming that high-ranking Peruvians were involved in drug trafficking. At the same time, another letter was sent to Washington asserting that the published information was false and that the accusations Chavez had leveled against Montesinos were unfounded. The cable also suggested that large-scale drug trafficking interests were behind the allegations, and that these efforts were probably intended to tarnish the reputation of the intelligence service (Youngers & Rosin, 2005). This situation illustrates the type of drug problem that U.S. officers and intelligence services must contend with on a daily basis — one where it is nearly impossible to distinguish true accusations from false ones, and where widespread bribery and corruption at all levels makes it exceedingly difficult to take appropriate action.
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