The War on Terror: Sides, Obstacles, and Prospects for Change
This paper examines the ongoing political debate surrounding the War on Terror, beginning with the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) passed after 9/11 and continuing through the Trump administration's foreign policy shifts. The paper outlines the positions of both anti-war and pro-war advocates across party lines, analyzes the structural obstacles—including AIPAC lobbying, U.S.-Israel ties, and the Saudi alliance—that prevent meaningful reform of the AUMF, and evaluates the Corker-Kaine proposal as the most viable but still limited congressional response. The paper concludes that significant curtailment of presidential war powers is unlikely without major changes in congressional, Israeli, or White House leadership.
- Introduction: AUMF origins, War on Terror scope, Trump-era shifts
- Sides to the Issue: Anti-war vs. pro-war arguments across party lines
- What Might Prevent Change: AIPAC, Israel, Saudi alliances blocking AUMF reform
- How Change Would Occur: Corker-Kaine bill and congressional oversight options
- The Possibilities for Change in the Future: Midterms, leadership shifts, and reform prospects
- Conclusion: War powers unlikely curtailed without leadership change
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What makes this paper effective
- It organizes a complex, multi-sided political debate into a clear problem-cause-solution structure, moving from issue definition through obstacles to prospects for change.
- It draws on a wide range of sources—polls, legislative proposals, opinion pieces, and news reporting—to ground its claims in current evidence rather than abstract argument.
- It acknowledges the cross-partisan nature of the debate, noting that opposition to and support for the War on Terror spans Republicans, Democrats, Libertarians, and Tea Party groups, which adds analytical nuance.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper effectively uses a power-structure analysis to explain policy inertia. Rather than simply describing who supports or opposes the War on Terror, it identifies the interlocking interests of the White House, Congress, Israel (via AIPAC), and Saudi Arabia as a "triumvirate of power" that constrains any legislative change. This kind of structural reasoning—explaining why change does not happen, not just that it hasn't—is a strong analytical move in political science writing.
Structure breakdown
The paper follows a six-part structure: an introduction establishing historical context and scope; a section mapping the opposing sides; a section identifying legislative and geopolitical obstacles; a section evaluating the Corker-Kaine reform proposal; a section assessing future prospects; and a brief conclusion. Each section builds logically on the previous one, maintaining a consistent argumentative thread throughout.
Introduction
On September 20, 2001, President George W. Bush proposed the new Office of Homeland Security to help confront a new threat to national security—the first step in what became the War on Terrorism (Select Committee on Homeland Security, 2004). One week earlier, Congress had signed off on the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), allowing the president broad scope for using military force against countries or organizations that "planned, authorized, committed, or aided" terrorism (Ackerman & Hathaway, 2011). Seventeen years and more than $2 trillion later, the War on Terrorism continued with no sign of easing up (Amadeo, 2018).
Though President Trump ran a campaign on getting American soldiers out of the Middle East and letting other countries handle the ISIS threat, the War on Terror rhetoric out of the White House continued unabated, with sights set on regime change in Iran—a nation that Trump singled out as the biggest supporter of terrorism in the world. During his campaign, Trump had identified Saudi Arabia as the "world's biggest funder of terrorism" (Williams, 2018). This shift indicated a new alliance between the Saudis and the White House, and the potential likelihood of an escalation of conflict in the region, just as the ISIS threat in Syria appeared to be mitigating (Colling, 2016). So while some voters and politicians wanted the War on Terror to end, others supported its continuation. This paper discusses the sides of the debate and whether meaningful change is likely to come about in the near future.
References
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