Boko Haram: Annotated Bibliography and Literature Review

Annotated Bibliography

Agbiboa, D.E. (2013a). Peace at Daggers Drawn? Boko Haram and the State of Emergency in Nigeria. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 37(1): 41–67.

One of the leading analysts on Boko Haram here provides a detailed overview of the group, discussing how Boko Haram emerged out of the chaotic instability in northern Nigeria, what specific demands and issues the group has presented and how those demands have changed, how they recruit, and the methods Boko Haram uses to facilitate and carry out its operations. According to Agbiboa (2013a), "more than 3,500 people have died in Nigeria since 2009" (p. 41). Negotiations with the group have failed, due in part to "distrust on both sides" as well as Boko Haram's factionalization (p. 41). The factions emerging within Boko Haram may offer clues as to how to destabilize the group from the inside.

Agbiboa, D.E. (2013b). Why Boko Haram Exists: The Relative Deprivation Perspective. African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review, 3(1): 144–157.

The author frames Boko Haram not only in terms of Nigeria's colonial past but also in terms of its conflicted present. Noting that radical Islam is "not a new phenomenon in northern Nigeria," Agbiboa (2013b) argues that Muslim extremists have capitalized on the systematic disenfranchisement and impoverishment of the north to radicalize young recruits. The author demonstrates how deprivation theory can be applied to Boko Haram to provide alternative counterterrorism solutions.

Anyadike, N.O. (2013). Boko Haram and National Security Challenges in Nigeria: Causes and Solutions. Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development, 4(5).

This article is helpful for positioning Boko Haram within the context of globalized Islamic terrorism. The author shows how Boko Haram's 2009 uprising "set a precedent," demonstrating how a specifically Nigerian brand of Islamic fundamentalism was competing with secular Nigerian institutions. Economic disenfranchisement, "party politics and politics of anxiety," and desperate politicians have fomented anti-government sentiments among northern Nigerians, while Islamic leaders have remained relatively "ambivalent" toward the group (p. 1). This article is useful for understanding Boko Haram within the broader context of Nigerian political, social, and economic institutions.

Blanchard, L.P. (2014). Nigeria's Boko Haram: Frequently Asked Questions. Current Politics and Economics of Africa, 7(2): 143–172.

Blanchard (2014) discusses Boko Haram from the perspective of American foreign policy and counterterrorism. The author points out how the April 2014 abduction of nearly 300 schoolgirls drew significant media attention to the group, placing it alongside organizations like Al Qaeda even though an official connection between the two has not been confirmed. Nevertheless, Boko Haram has been named "one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the world" not only by the Obama Administration but also by the United Nations.

Hansen, W.W. & Musa, U.A. (2013). Fanon, the Wretched and Boko Haram. Journal of Asian and African Studies, January 15, 2013. DOI: 0021909612467277.

This article contributes to theory development, showing how critical Marxist theory and post-colonial discourse can be used to frame and influence policy related to Boko Haram. The authors use Frantz Fanon's theories as a springboard for analysis, arguing that Boko Haram can be viewed as an extension of colonial and post-colonial uprisings of "the socially marginalized, the abused, the dregs of humanity, The Other!" (p. 1). Dehumanization leads to violent attempts to reclaim power, identity, and a sense of humanity. Fanon's theory connects with conflict theory more broadly.

Mantzikos, I. (2013). Boko Haram: Anatomy of a Crisis. Bristol, UK: E-IR.

One of the few books included in this research, Mantzikos (2013) has compiled a range of pertinent essays addressing Boko Haram from different perspectives and theoretical viewpoints. Essays cover issues as wide-ranging as identity construction and psychological dimensions to how Boko Haram specifically targets communications infrastructure and how the Nigerian government has responded. This book is therefore an instrumental resource for this research.

Mohammed, K. (2014). The message and methods of Boko Haram. In Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos (Ed.), Boko Haram: Islamism, politics, security and the state in Nigeria. African Studies Centre.

This article shows how Boko Haram has been influenced by external, mainly Salafi jihadist Islamic militant groups, not only in terms of doctrine but also in tactics, including "targeted assassinations, suicide bombings, and hostage taking" (Mohammed, 2014, p. 19). The author also demonstrates how Boko Haram has been operating in Mali and has become linked with regional terrorist networks as well as global ones.

Ojochenemi, J.D., Asuelime, L.E. & Onapajo, H. (2015). Responses and Recommendations to End Boko Haram Terrorism. In Boko Haram: The Socio-Economic Drivers. Springer Briefs in Political Science, 103–114.

This article offers a valuable focus on solutions to the Boko Haram crisis, addressing both pragmatic and theoretical dimensions. Topics covered include the oil-based economy as a potential contributor to the problem, as well as "endemic corruption, poverty, frustration, despair, and social exclusion and marginalization" (p. 103). The authors argue that solutions must focus on root causes and include good governance policies, strong leadership, and institutions supporting welfare and job creation.

Onuoha, F.C. (2014). Why do youth join Boko Haram? United States Institute of Peace Special Report 348, June 2014.

The central question for the author is why young people are drawn to the group. The methodology includes surveys, interviews, and focus groups conducted in Nigeria in 2013. The results suggest that "poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, and weak family structures make or contribute to making young men vulnerable to radicalization" (Onuoha, 2014, p. 1). However, anti-government discourse is also built into the rhetorical strategies of local preachers. The policy implications are therefore significant.

Zenn, J. & Pearson, E. (2014). Women, Gender and the Evolving Tactics of Boko Haram. Journal of Terrorism Research, 5(1). DOI:

A gender perspective enriches the discourse on Boko Haram and provides more suitable means of developing long-term policy initiatives. The authors argue that gender-based violence by Boko Haram has signified an important shift toward including women in the group's structure and operations. Gender perspectives must be integrated into any comprehensive understanding of Boko Haram.

Literature Synthesis

Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has contended with social, economic, and political turmoil. This troubled environment has enabled the emergence of radical Islam in Nigeria, beginning in the 1980s with the Maitatsine Uprisings and continuing until the full-fledged emergence of Boko Haram in northern Nigeria. Viewed against this socio-historical backdrop, the rise of Boko Haram in the 1990s should not be entirely surprising. It is also critical to situate Boko Haram in a global context, as the group emerged concurrently with — and with the support of — global radical and jihadist Islam. Boko Haram has been responsible for thousands of deaths since 2009, and millions of Nigerians have been affected by its violence, directly or indirectly.

The international community was relatively slow to respond to Boko Haram, largely ignoring the group until 2012. That year, the United States designated Abubakar Shekau, one of Boko Haram's leaders, a Specially Designated Global Terrorist. In 2013, Boko Haram was designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) by the U.S. State Department (Blanchard, 2014). When Boko Haram abducted nearly 300 schoolgirls in April 2014, the organization finally drew widespread international condemnation due to extensive media coverage. Domestic appeasement policies and militaristic interventions have both failed to de-escalate the violence or mitigate the crisis. In fact, some critics have pointed to ways the government either directly exacerbated the problem by ignoring its root causes or indirectly enabled the perpetuation of radical Islam through poor governance, weak institutions, and systematic corruption.

Boko Haram has evolved beyond an agenda of Islamic fundamentalism and Sharia law toward a broader platform promising socio-economic empowerment to Nigeria's most vulnerable populations. Understanding Boko Haram requires acknowledgment of the socio-economic and political forces that shaped its initial development and continue to ensure its success in recruiting new members. Government responses have neglected to frame Boko Haram in terms of root causes and conflict theory. Conflict theory, deprivation theory, and gender theory offer the most productive methods for analyzing Boko Haram with the ultimate goal of developing sensible and implementable solutions.

Agbiboa (2013a) suggests that the Nigerian government capitalize on recent fragmentation in Boko Haram leadership and the splintering of the group into cells with differentiated leadership and goals. Zenn and Pearson (2014) show how recent Boko Haram strategies have entailed the recruitment and instrumentation of women in the group's structure and operations. Anyadike (2013) demonstrates how "economic dislocation," "party politics," and the "politics of anxiety" have contributed to the popularity of Boko Haram, while also emphasizing the role of Islamic leaders who have either remained silent and ambivalent about the violence or have directly encouraged it (p. 1). Onuoha (2014) shows how many itinerant preachers exert strong influence over young, unemployed, poor, and disenfranchised youth by "conveying a narrative of the government as weak and corrupt" (p. 1). Building on evidence supporting conflict theory as a root cause, Ojochenemi, Asuelime, and Onapajo (2015) propose the institutionalization of welfare reforms and the diversification of the Nigerian economy as possible solutions.