Karen Ethnic Identity and Minority Identity Development
This paper examines ethnic identity development among the Karen people of Burma, situating their experience within broader theories of ethnic and racial identity formation. Drawing on Phinney and Alipuria's framework of ethnic self-identity, Yeh and Huang's collectivist model of Asian identity, and Atkinson, Morten, and Sue's Minority Identity Development (MID) model, the paper traces how persecution, displacement, and religious conversion have shaped Karen identity. It also considers Cross's nigrescence model and discusses the role of cultural capital, religion, and community-focused social services in empowering ethnic minorities.
- Introduction: Defining ethnic identity and its development process
- Ethnic Minority in Burma and Asian Identity Development: Ethnicity in Burma and collectivist Asian identity norms
- The Karen People: Profile of Karen community, conflict, and diaspora
- Racial and Ethnic Identity Development Models: Cross's nigrescence model and cultural influences on identity
- Minority Identity Development Model: Atkinson et al.'s MID stages from conformity to integration
- Identity Development in the Karen Ethnic Community: Applying MID stages to Karen persecution and religious conversion
- Conclusion and Implications: Culturally responsive services to empower ethnic minorities
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What makes this paper effective
- It grounds a specific case study — the Karen people of Burma — in established theoretical frameworks, bridging abstract models with concrete historical and political realities.
- It draws on multiple complementary models (Cross's nigrescence, Atkinson et al.'s MID, and Yeh & Huang's collectivist framework) rather than relying on a single perspective, demonstrating theoretical breadth.
- It connects oppression and displacement to identity stage progression, showing analytical application of the MID model to real-world conditions faced by the Karen.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper demonstrates applied theoretical analysis: it introduces identity development models in the abstract and then systematically maps Karen experiences — persecution, religious conversion, cultural capital, and diaspora — onto those models. This technique shows how theory can illuminate a specific minority group's lived reality rather than remaining purely descriptive.
Structure breakdown
The paper opens with definitional groundwork on ethnic identity, then contextualizes the Karen as a persecuted ethnic minority in Burma. It introduces Asian identity theory before profiling the Karen community specifically. Two identity development models are then explained in sequence, followed by a detailed application section showing how Karen history and culture map onto those models. The paper closes with a policy implication regarding culturally responsive services.
Introduction
According to Phinney and Alipuria (1987), ethnic self-identity is the sense of self that an individual feels as a member of an ethnic group, along with the behaviors and attitudes associated with that feeling (p. 36). The authors note that the development of ethnic identity is an evolution from an unexamined ethnic identity, through a period of exploration, toward a specified and achieved ethnic identity (p. 38).
Ethnic identity refers to one's feeling, attitude, and identification with the behavior and character of people from a specified culture and cultural ethos. Members of an ethnic group often share a common origin, values, beliefs, practices, customs, and other commonalities. Therefore, unlike the concept of race — in which physical traits are the main determining factor — ethnicity relates to the common values, beliefs, and concepts held by a group of people (Yeh & Huang, 1996).
Ethnic Minority in Burma and Asian Identity Development
The issue of ethnicity is not merely about identity in local or international contexts. Rather, it is a central component of the thinking patterns of a given people, including how they perceive their place in wider society. Ethnic organizations in exile from Burma have recently embraced the term "ethnic nationality," meaning that a sense of nationality has been remolded to form an ethnic group identity, and vice versa, in a process that spans the globe. Ethnic identity is conjured differently, however. It has to do with dreams of incorporation and rootedness in a deeper fashion than is the case with national identity. Ethnicity is therefore an essential source of self-identity, empowerment, solidarity, and the confidence derived from membership in a community with a shared cultural background and history. Such a force is given added impetus by migration or displacement. Burma's ethnic diversity is a complex matter, and research reveals that many minority groups have been overlooked in the political process over time (Gravers, 2007).
All cultures across the globe have their ways of asserting cultural identity and influencing their members. Comparative cultural studies indicate that Asian individuals surpass both Europeans and North Americans in terms of collective versus private selves. Self-monitoring is a more common tendency among Asians than among the other groups studied, while North Americans and Europeans demonstrate lower levels of self-monitoring.
The Asian self, as described in such studies, is regulated more by societal values than is the European or North American self. Embarrassment and humiliation are commonly used in Asian cultures to reinforce an individual's obligations to the family. Asians tend to operate on the basis of trust, and their culture emphasizes teaching individuals to be more aware of how others will react to their actions. A member of a collective culture is more deeply affected by shameful incidents, given that severe consequences — including exclusion from the community and withdrawal of social support — can follow. The existence of the individual is therefore greatly shaped by relationships. If a social group withdraws its support, one's self-identity is seriously threatened.
It is thus evident that the fear of shame is a strong motivator for conforming to the expectations of interpersonal relationships. Many Asian Americans respond to questions about the self based on the influence of social circles outside the individual rather than purely psychological factors. Ethnic identity development among Asians is accordingly shaped by the tendency to avoid shame and the other factors described above (Yeh & Huang, 1996).
The Karen People
The Karen people constitute an ethnic community living in Southeast Asia. They are ethnically and linguistically diverse and comprise various subgroups. Buddhism and Animism are the most widely practiced religions among the Karen community, though approximately 15% are Christians. Burma is home to about seven million Karen people, while Thailand has approximately 300,000 Thai-Karen people. Reports indicate that more than 140,000 Burmese Karen people have fled human rights abuses and armed conflict in Burma. The Karen have been involved in a protracted war lasting over sixty years, during which they have fought the military regime for secession and for their rights. Between 2005 and 2011, over 70,000 refugees of Thai origin — the majority of them Karen — were resettled in countries abroad, including the United States, Australia, and Canada (Moonieinda, 2011).
Racial and Ethnic Identity Development Models
Ethnic and racial identity development constitutes an essential component of both personal and collective identity. In some cases, such as that of the Karen — in which ethnic minority status is clearly and legally defined — consciousness of that status is more sharply defined than in other contexts. Two main social and cultural influences come into play. Deep involvement in cultural traditions, including religious practice, neighborhood ties, and shared values, bonds individuals tightly to the wider community, boosting their self-confidence and ethnic identity.
Secondly, it is important that individuals differentiate their ethnic identity by contrasting it with negative media messages and the treatment they receive from members of other racial and ethnic groups. Such messages are typically tinged with undesirable connotations from the perspective of mainstream society.
Many models of ethnic identity development have been produced over the past few decades, providing a foundation for the acceptance of ethnically diverse communities. Most of these models are framed around psychosocial considerations of self-definition, and some acknowledge the inherent cognitive complexity of that process. Many were designed with Black people, African Americans, and Asians in mind, seeking to understand the experiences of these groups in the United States.
The first and most influential model of nigrescence rooted in psychology was developed by Cross. It traced the evolution of the African American from a non-Afrocentric orientation, through an Afrocentric stage, to one that embraces multicultural identity. The process involves becoming fully aware of one's race, embracing Black culture, and ultimately committing to the concerns of multiple cultures and championing the interests of a broad range of cultural groups. Cross's model is significant in highlighting the dynamic and progressive nature of racial identity development, which is influenced by members of one's own ethnic group as well as by those from outside it. The model also helps in recognizing multicultural frames of reference and ethnocentrism. Cross's arguments have, however, sparked controversy, as they assume that Black individuals are unaware of their own race and that of others prior to developing a sense of identity (Chavez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999).
Conclusion and Implications
It has been proposed that if community-focused services are provided, the community may be empowered to respond to its members' needs. Ethno-conscious services are best delivered by ethnic organizations. Social services and structural support represent the most effective means of addressing the Karen predicament and empowering their community. Services with an ethnic focus can be particularly effective in meeting the needs of Asian minorities. Ethnic-sensitive services should be developed in ways that make them more culturally responsive to minorities and non-dominant groups in general (Weng & Netting, 2014).
References
Atkinson, D. R., Morten, G., & Sue, D. W. (1989). Counseling American minorities: A cross-cultural perspective. Brown & Benchmark.
Chavez, A. F., & Guido-DiBrito, F. (1999). Racial and ethnic identity and development. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, 1999(84), 39–47.
Gravers, M. (2007). Exploring ethnic diversity in Burma (1st ed.). NIAS Press.
Karen — Minority Rights Group. (2017). Minority Rights Group. Retrieved 21 February 2017, from
Moonieinda, A. (2011). The Karen people: Culture, faith and history. Karen Buddhist Dhamma Dhutta Foundation.
Phinney, J. S., & Alipuria, L. L. (1987). Ethnic identity in older adolescents from four ethnic groups. In Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Baltimore. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 283 058).
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Weng, S., & Netting, F. (2014). Culturally responsive strategies used to deliver ethnic-specific services to Asian Americans. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services, 95(4), 253–260. doi:10.1606/1044-3894.2014.95.32
Yeh, C. J., & Huang, K. (1996). The collectivistic nature of ethnic identity development among Asian-American college students. Adolescence, 31(123), 645–662.
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