Trump vs. Biden National Security Strategy: Russia Compared
This paper compares and contrasts the Trump Administration's 2017 National Security Strategy (NSS) and the Biden Administration's 2022 NSS, with a specific focus on how each document treats Russia as a threat to U.S. interests. The analysis examines the frequency and intensity with which Russia is discussed in each document, the priorities each administration established, and the degree of continuity versus divergence between the two strategies. While both NSS documents identify Russia as a disruptive power that undermines democratic values and international order, the Biden NSS discusses Russia three times more frequently and adopts a substantially more confrontational tone—driven largely by Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The paper also addresses criticisms that both documents prioritize broad rhetorical goals over concrete implementation plans.
- Introduction: Framing the Trump-Biden NSS comparison on Russia
- Overview of the Two National Security Strategies: Key priorities and adversaries in each NSS
- Analysis of Russia's Role in Each NSS: Frequency and emphasis of Russia across documents
- Similarities Between the Trump and Biden Strategies: Shared views on Russia as a democratic threat
- Differences Between the Trump and Biden Strategies: Contrasting tone, focus, and confrontational rhetoric
- Conclusion: Synthesis of convergence and divergence on Russia
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What makes this paper effective
- Grounds the comparative analysis in direct textual evidence, quoting specific passages from both NSS documents with page citations to support each claim.
- Integrates a range of secondary commentary (Adesnik, Hamilton, Cordesman, Peek, and others) to contextualize the primary documents and avoid one-sided interpretation.
- Uses quantitative evidence—such as the frequency of the word "Russia" in each document (25 vs. 77 times) and page-count comparisons—to give the argument empirical grounding beyond rhetorical analysis.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper demonstrates comparative textual analysis applied to primary policy documents. Rather than summarizing each NSS in isolation, it systematically places them in dialogue—identifying where their language converges, where it diverges, and what historical or geopolitical factors explain those differences. This technique shows how close reading of government documents can yield substantive foreign policy insights.
Structure breakdown
The paper opens with an introduction that frames the research question and briefly summarizes both strategies. An overview section outlines each administration's stated priorities and adversaries. An analysis section examines how prominently Russia features in each document. Dedicated sections on similarities and differences then develop the comparison in detail, drawing on primary quotes and scholarly commentary. The conclusion synthesizes findings, emphasizing that while tone and focus differ significantly, both strategies converge in isolating Russia from the rules-based international order.
Introduction
The United States maintains a National Security Strategy to protect the safety and security of the nation through cooperative efforts and partnerships with other nations and organizations. This strategy provides a comprehensive vision for the use of diplomatic, economic, military, and intelligence efforts to protect U.S. interests abroad, deter potential adversaries, respond effectively to threats, and meet alliance and global responsibilities. The National Security Strategy also establishes a framework for evaluating security threats and assessing the resources required to counter them.
Typically, U.S. National Security Strategy changes depending on the administration in power (Goddard, 2022). Each president has his own approach to national security policy and thus his own version of the National Security Strategy. Prior to the 2022 strategy released by the Biden Administration, the most recent version was released in 2017 by the Trump Administration, which focused on reinforcing economic security and a strong international presence. The Biden Administration, however, issued its National Security Strategy at a time when geopolitical tensions were at Cold War-level highs, with record sanctions levied by the West against Russia due to the Russia-Ukraine war. Yet there are both similarities and differences to be found in the strategies put forward by the two administrations.
How do the national security strategies of the Trump and Biden administrations compare and contrast in their approach toward Russia? The national security strategy of the Trump Administration, for instance, did not prioritize relations with Russia and instead focused on issues such as counter-terrorism, immigration, and trade. The Trump NSS of 2017 had a distinctly "America First" tenor, as Dhanani and McBrien (2022) have pointed out: "In other words, revitalizing the U.S. economy would take priority over U.S. engagement overseas" (Dhanani & McBrien, 2022). The Trump Administration imposed economic sanctions on Russia and expelled Russian diplomats in response to Russia's interference in the 2016 election and other malicious activities. The Biden Administration stated that it would take a more assertive approach toward Russia, particularly in response to its efforts to interfere in U.S. elections and its aggressive actions toward neighboring countries. The Biden Administration also indicated that it would seek to address issues such as arms control and nonproliferation with Russia, and called for a global summit on cybersecurity to address the threat posed by Russia and other countries in this domain. Overall, however, both national security strategies view Russia as a threat to security. In the Biden NSS, more focus is given to Russia as a threat actor.
Overview of the Two National Security Strategies
The Trump Administration's National Security Strategy, released in 2017, focused on four main priorities: (1) protecting the homeland and the American people; (2) promoting American prosperity; (3) preserving peace through strength; and (4) advancing American influence. The Trump Administration's strategy also identified four main categories of adversaries: rogue regimes such as North Korea and Iran; state actors such as China and Russia; transnational terrorist organizations such as ISIS and al-Qaeda; and cyber actors, including nation-states and criminal organizations.
To a large degree, the NSS did not change dramatically from Trump to Biden; however, under Biden, Russia received considerably more attention. The Biden Administration's National Security Strategy of 2022 focuses broadly on restoring America's global leadership and advancing U.S. values abroad among democratic allies. The strategy emphasizes the need for collective action to address global challenges such as climate change, nuclear proliferation, and pandemics. It also acknowledges that, due to confrontations between Russia and the West, "we are in the midst of a strategic competition to shape the future of the international order" (Biden Administration, 2022, p. 1). Biden's NSS therefore gives more attention to strengthening alliances with NATO allies, partners in the Indo-Pacific region, and other like-minded partners around the world than did the Trump NSS. Other important points highlighted in the strategy include: a commitment to protecting democratic values at home and abroad; a focus on economic policies that advance shared prosperity; investments in advanced technologies to promote security; a pivot toward more sustainable energy sources; de-escalation in the Middle East; guaranteeing a fairer international economic system; strengthening U.S. homeland security including securing critical infrastructure from cyber threats; collaboration with other countries to reduce global health disparities; and ensuring credible deterrents remain in place against possible aggression by state actors or terrorist organizations.
Overall, the Biden Administration's national security guidance emphasizes the need for multilateral cooperation to address global challenges, while the Trump Administration's strategy focused on protecting American interests and promoting American influence. The Biden Administration's approach also places greater emphasis on addressing the threat of disinformation and domestic extremism. When it comes to Russia, however, the two NSS documents are in broad alignment.
Analysis of Russia's Role in Each NSS
In the Trump NSS, Russia was mentioned 25 times—11 of those in conjunction with China, as though the two nations were perceived as a dual threat. By comparison, the Interim Biden NSS of 2021 mentioned Russia only five times, though it was also a much shorter document (Interim National Security Strategic Guidance, 2021). In the full Biden NSS of 2022, finally released after Russian-Ukrainian hostilities had escalated and the West had responded with sanctions, Russia received 77 mentions—more than three times as frequently as in the Trump NSS. Biden's NSS thus focuses on Russia three times more than Trump's NSS does, and accomplishes this in 20 fewer pages: Trump's NSS runs to 68 pages versus Biden's 48-page document (Adesnik, 2022). With fewer words, Biden zeroes in on Russia as a major security threat. The Biden NSS was reportedly delayed from 2021 to 2022 as a result of intelligence received regarding a Russian invasion of Ukraine (Dhanani & McBrien, 2022). It is not surprising, therefore, that the 2022 NSS focuses more explicitly on Russia as a threat to national security, with considerable attention given to the Russia-Ukraine war and its knock-on effects.
The Strategic Council on Foreign Relations (2022) has noted that the interim national security document Biden released in 2021 essentially organized the NSS into five categories: "the first category of threats are those that do not know the wall and border, and confronting them needs a collective effort at global level. Climate crises, cyber and digital threats, international economic problems, humanitarian crises, terrorism and extremism, biological hazards and the spread of epidemics, as well as the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are included in this category." This interim document, however, merely set the stage for the more robust and Russia-focused NSS of the following year. The 2022 NSS confirms the continuation of Trump-era perspectives: Russia is consistently viewed in the Biden NSS as a power competitor opposed to Western democratic values and ideals. As Adesnik (2022) notes, "in their perception of threats, the Trump and Biden strategies converge fully on the pivotal issue of great-power rivalry." Yet, in terms of how the U.S. will deal with Russia, precise strategies are displaced by generalized principles (Adesnik, 2022). Still, both NSS documents set the tone for U.S. foreign policy with respect to Russia by depicting it as a main threat to U.S. power abroad.
Conclusion
Both the Trump and the Biden NSS documents emphasize the importance of maintaining strong defense capabilities and partnerships in order to counter threats posed by Russia. Both highlight the need for increased pressure on Russia for its actions in Ukraine, for cybersecurity, and for economic and political security. Because the Russia-Ukraine war did not begin until the Biden Administration, there is no reference to it in the Trump NSS, nor is there the same degree of focus on Russia as a threat. The Biden NSS spends far more time—three times as much—on the issue of Russia as a threat to U.S. national security than the Trump NSS. The Trump NSS is ultimately inward-focused, while the Biden NSS is outward-focused on building cooperation with democratic allies against Russian aggression. Both include a commitment to working with the European Union to push back against Russian aggression. Both urge close coordination and joint action with allies in order to deter hostile Russian behavior. The two strategies are consistent in terms of talking points when it comes to Russia. The main difference is that the language of the Biden NSS is far more confrontational with respect to Russia. The Trump NSS used language to convey the impression of America as the greatest nation. The Biden NSS used language to convey the impression that Russia is the greatest threat. Yet the two strategies do not differ in their fundamental approach of isolating Russia from the global rules-based order.
References
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