However in those days, the progress was even slower and there was deeper concern about the possibility of complete transition. Samuel Huntington's path-breaking book, Political Order in Changing Societies (1968) has been by far the most well received and comprehensive book on the subject of civilian military relations. Huntington studied the conditions in Latin America and found that in underdeveloped countries, militaries were usually more powerful because society cannot access the government and hence support military's interference. Middle classes then "compel the military to oppose the government" and restore the status quo ante. Military may be powerful but Huntington felt that it was the organizational structure that can be blamed for coups but instead the social structure and thus "Military explanations do not explain military intervention," he argued.
By the end of the 1970s, even more literature appeared on the scene to explain civil military relations and to study the causes in coup in Latin America and other smaller nations. For most part of this decade, military was comfortably sitting in power and scholars began studying the reasons why this transition had taken place. Instead of focusing on the inner workings of the new regimes, scholars were more concerned with the causes of their installation. As Karen Remmer writes: "Scholars moved from the study of democratic breakdowns to the study of democratic transitions without pausing to analyze the authoritarian phase that came in between." Few comparative studies ever provided so much as a glimpse of the inner structure or workings of these regimes, focusing instead on societal factors that caused their installation.
A big mistake was made when scholars started studying the conditions at the time of the coup. This was a blunder because "the forces that shape authoritarian rule are not fixed at the time of regime emergence.." It is important to understand that coups are a result of many shifts in the society's thinking and it's not just a result of what was happening of the day the coup took place.
Military regime has never been really successful in any country. Their entrance is usually sudden and their exit is equally hasty. In countries like Pakistan,...
In 1999, the democratically elected government of Nawaz Sharif was suddenly overthrown in one quick sweeping move by then Chief of Army staff Pervaiz Musharraf. In the eight years that followed, Musharraf's government was more involved in terrorism control than actually strengthening the roots of country's economy. Even though it was claimed that economy had gained strength, the common man continued to suffer from increasing prices and hyper inflation.
As the result of this, the public became increasingly agitated and Musharraf became a highly unpopular figure in the country. And finally resigned in 2008 under immense pressure from the newly elected government and the public. Mar'a Susana Ricci and J. Samuel Fitch are right when they say, "military government is a contradiction in terms; the armed forces cannot govern without subverting their own essence."Realizing the mistakes they have made, they try to exit hastily as not to do any more damage to the country. This cannot be said of Pakistan though where the transition has been going on and off for decades. The weaknesses of other institutions have given even greater strength to the army which is probably the best and most well organized institution in the country.
All in all, Military civilian relations are controversial and complicated. The very public that would hail the entrance of military during crisis would want to get rid of it once peace is restored. Democracy is always the more desired of the two but in underdeveloped countries, there has been an increased trend of dependency on the army during the times when democracy seems to be failing.
Glen Segell, Civil-Military Relations after the Nation-State (London: GMS, 2000), p. 1.
Samuel Finer, the Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics, 2nd Edition, Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1976, p. 4. 3rd Edition, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1988.
Sun Tzu (Thomas Cleary trans.), the Art of War, Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications, 1998, p. 78.
Niccolo Machiavelli (W.K. Marriott trans.), the Prince, London: E.P. Dutton and Co., 1920, p. 97.
Carl von Clausewitz, on War, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1968, p. 402.
Finer, the Man on Horseback, pp. 22-23.
Alfred Stepan, Rethinking Military Politics: Brazil and the Southern Cone, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Publishers, 1988, p. 3.
Stepan, p. 3
McAlister, "Recent Research and Writings on the Role of the Military in Latin America," 5.
Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, 213, 194.
Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America, 24.
The subjects were 613 injured Army personnel Military Deployment Services TF Report 13 admitted to Walter Reed Army Medical Center from March 2003 to September 2004 who were capable of completing the screening battery. Soldiers were assessed at approximately one month after injury and were reassessed at four and seven months either by telephone interview or upon return to the hospital for outpatient treatment. Two hundred and forty-three soldiers
He goes on to insist that "professional military education alone is not sufficient" to develop a real NCO leader. The ability to make decisions in a split second, the ability to make the best use of technologies, and the ability to train others, to be able to evaluate the men around you -- these are the components of leadership that Maxwell emphasizes. I like the fact that Maxwell emphasizes
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That is why I became Treasurer of the Wives Club, out of gratefulness for this extended family. I know many people of my generation struggle to find 'who they are' but the structure of the military offers a potent and compelling answer to that question. To serve means always to be at home amongst people who understand exactly what you are going through: "Home is the place where, when
The definition for "subversives" is a bit vague, but Fagen explains that in Argentina and elsewhere in Latin American dictatorships the victims of violent repression tended to be union leaders, liberal political leaders, artistic people in cultural circles, student protest leaders and media personalities (p. 41). The whole point of these horrendous repressive policies was to inspire fear, confusion and "distrust" among the general population. For those who believe the
Civil Liberties, Habeas Corpus, War Terror subtopics: Explain historical evolution habeas corpus, including English American traditions. The explanation evolution American tradition include general meaning habeas corpus U. Habeas Corpus The principle of habeas corpus promotes the idea that a person needs to be brought before a court in order for him or her to be judged before he or she is provided with a sentence. Habeas corpus is Latin for "that you