Civil War the Period Surrounding

Civil War

The period surrounding the U.S. Civil war is often seen through the eyes of the generalists in history textbooks. Yet, this is not demonstrative of the fact that countless documents have been preserved that offer insight into how the war, its precursors, its politics and its reality affected individuals in both the North and the South. The Valley of Shadow project website offers for the reader a group of primary documents from two communities, Franklin County Pennsylvania and Augusta County Virginia, These works discuss, in their own words how individuals were affected by the war its politics and its reality, before during and after the conflict. These documents give radical new insight to what the war was really like and can be interpreted to answer many questions about the war and how it was felt by all.

This work will answer several logical questions in a comparison and contrast fashion using the primary sources found in the Valley of Shadow project. The questions to be answered are four; 1. Why did the people in these respective communities choose to go to war in 1861 and how did they define their causes? 2. Did those motivations change over time or remain consistent? 3. What role did the idea of community play in people's motivations? Were people motivated primarily by local or national concerns? Which were more important to people living in these two communities? 4. How similar and/or different were the experiences of these two communities? These various questions will define for this researcher the myriad of realities that existed for the two locations and the real people who lived these torrid years.

Why did the people in these respective communities choose to go to war in 1861 and how did they define their causes?

To answer the initial question one can see from the documents that many were both foundationally split on the issues surrounding the war, secession, slavery and the politics of the day, while they had firm ideas about right and wrong many were concerned about the reality of change causing conflict. Only one document of the many I reviewed offered a succinct answer to the question of slavery, an issue on the minds of people but according to the textbooks, not the primary motivation for the war. To some degree the age and position of the speaker in the following source must be taken into consideration:

… I shun the very idea of submitting to Black Republican party, who desire to place the insignificant negro on an equality with us, who will submit none but those who at heart if they would but express themselves are partial to the North I fear Va has too many of them in Convention, how glad I was when I saw that Va wished to pre-sent an ordinance of secession to the convention. I thought then if they were all like him we would this moment be honored & loved by our seceding Southern Sisters, who now almost as it were despise us. I am ready at any time to join the southern army although I am not prepared to die but [unclear: this] I know Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori [It is sweet and honorable to die for one's country.] (George Wils Augusta County VA to Writer's sister, March 18, 1861)

George Wils is away at school, when he writes this letter to his sister and being of military eligible age obviously lends him to a younger group. This in fact is the only clear and simplistic, almost stereotypical (southern) resolution regarding the war, slavery and secession. Wils hoped that the late to secede Virginia would soon take up the decision of the other Southern states and remove itself from a Union that seeks to call black men equal to whites. Like the valiant young, he does not fear war; he only fears death, though he closes with the idea that it is an honor to die for one's country again a youthful ideal and though the documents end here it would be interesting to see how Wils felt after the events played out and after he returned to his once forsaken Virginia.

While in the same community, a more wizened and aged individual sees slavery and secession as abhorrent, a situation that must be lived with until such time as God sees fit to find a way to end it that would be favorable to both races.

Dr McGill proposed to buy Selena to-day, and offered me $1,000 -- I would not have sold her for $20,000, unless she desired to go, or had grossly misbehaved. This thing of speculating on human flesh is utterly horrible to me -- the money would eat into my flesh like hot iron. Slavery itself is extremely repulsive to my feelings, and I earnestly desire its extinction everywhere, when it can be done judiciously, and so as to promote the welfare of both races. Yet I am no abolitionists . The day for emancipation with us has not come, and we must wait God's time. For the present all that the most philanthropic can do is to endeavor to ameliorate the institution; but it is hard to do this in the midst of the mischievous interference of outside fanatics. (Augusta County: Diary of Joseph Addison Waddell Wednesday night, Oct. 15th 1856)

Waddell, writes in his diary of the peculiar institution, calling it extremely repulsive and expressing sentiment for the slave Selena, whom he owns and has been offered a fair price for. His concerns lie in the fact that outsiders are the agitators in the situation and that dissolving slavery in haste would likely be a mistake. This forethought, representative of the real and terrible situation of the reformation period, could be in part due to the fact that Waddell, though a staunch southerner was also the owner of a newspaper. His position afforded him exposure to a great deal of debate, ideas and a diversity of people and opinions not all others would have been privileged to.

The sentiment of outside agitators, spurning on change that was not yet due is supported by other letters and document sin the collection, especially with regard to the Augusta County documents, here Millard Fillmore writes to Alexander H.H. Stuart, regarding the need of the South to hold firm on its stand regarding the debate of expanding slavery into new states.

This Nebraska matter presents a new phase to things in Washington. But is it wise for the South to set the example separating the compromise of 1820? If one compromise be disregarded will not another be, and will not the South in the end be left to the tender mercy of Northern fanaticism with an overwhelming numerical majority? These are Serious questions for the South and yes it may be difficult for her to resist the proffered favor of Douglas' Bill. She may suspect the motive; she may see its fatal consequences and its delusive benefits, but can she resist it? / I think the measure will pass the senate by a decided majority, but its fate is doubtful in the house, and there is reason to apprehend that it will reopen the slavery agitation, [ much] with all its bitterness, if not all its dangers to our Union. We had fondly hoped that this question was at rest, for a time at least, but I fear we are to be disappointed. (Augusta County: Millard Fillmore to Alexander H.H. Stuart, February 9, 1854)

Fillmore stresses that the voice of the North is outweighing that of the South and that real compromise is not likely. The challenge is clearly one of Northern dominance regarding the difficult "slavery agitation" question. Yet, it is also clear that a voice for the South is desired, but within the Union, rather than out of it. In a letter written by Alexander H.H. Stuart, again in Virginia, concerns about secession are expressed fully;

If clothed with power by the voice of the people it will put its heel to the head of the serpent of disunion & return harmony to the Country by recalling the people of all parts of the confederacy to a proper sense of their duty to the Constitution, to each other, & to the Country. I should deprecate the election to the Presidency of a man who was the representative of extreme opinion, whether southern or northern, as one of the most direful curses that could befal the country in the present condition of its affairs, Exasperation of feeling, civil dessension[?] & most probably convulsion & disunion would follow. All hope of the restoration of harmony & fraternal feeling would be lost & and an appeal to arms would… (Alexander H.H. Stuart Letters Hot Springs Va Aug 18th 1856 )

Stuart foresees the coming secession and probable war and laments that a compromise has not been made. George Junkin writes to Francis McFarland in Augusta County that even as late as 1861, on the very eve of the outbreak of the war that the union would be preserved, yet the work does come across as a bit of a payer.

The first article in the Rep. is condemned by the two colours, White Brown, but I can't see why. We are in fearful times, but the Lord reigneth & I have no serious fears for the issue. I feel like Gen. Jackson-"the Union must & shall be preserved" and "their object is disunion; but be not deceived, disunion, by armed force, is treason." I hope no one will be hung, tho' a few deserve it. I have no confidence in man's wisdom; but as I said in my last baccalaureate, God made this government & he will not let man destroy it. (Augusta County: George Junkin to Francis McFarland, January 19, 1861)

While in comparison to these heated ideologies, only the last of which holds out hope to the end that unity will be restored, the letters and documents from Franklin county express the idea that their chosen voices will preserve the union, it would seem with sheer intent.

We are passing along in the Even tenor of our way, and enjoying life as our circumstances allow, and experience little of the agitation which is now felt at Washington. We are not at all alarmed about the Union going down. Having read the Speeches in Congress about dossolution & c., we can sleep very calmly. (Franklin County: P. Bergstressen to Edward McPherson, December 24, 1859)

This idea brings to mind the early responses to the war, that are evident when one sees the ladies in sunbonnets out in carriages, watching the battle of Gettysburg. Many were blindsided by the brutality of the war and in this case there is some evidence that the North, being of the opinion that their cause was right assumed that this would play out well, just as so many other heated national formation issues had.

However impracticable may be the Southern leader at Washington & in the discontented States, it is manifest that the righteous, [illeg.] & temperate position of the Republicans generally in telling upon the Southern people. I do not see myself how the matter is to be compromised. The difficulty may be adjusted & the adjustment termed a compromise; but it must in fact be a surrender on one side or the other. How is the right to hold slaves in [illeg.] to be [unclear: compromised] ? How is a Slave [unclear: Cide] to be [unclear: compromised] ? The North can never consent to the universal dominion of Slavery in this nation and nothing less will satisfy the South; and indeed nothing less will ensure the perpetuation of Slavery. The restoration of the Missouri Compromise line & its extension to the Pacific, would grate very harshly upon the connections of the Northern people. It would be no concession to the North, for it would make no territory free that could by any possibility be slave; while it would inevitably force Slavery into Southern California, New Mexico, & would be followed by the annexation of [unclear: Baha] & the absorption of another slice of Mexico. Rest assured that if the North concedes its present forces, the South will ever here after have the preponderance in the Senate & practically the supreme [unclear: pres] of the government. Our present victory would be fruitless save to disgrace us as a party in one our establishment & in the eyes of the civilized world. What is to be done I can scarcely suggest. I know what should be done. The North should enforce the laws at home and also enforce the supremacy of the laws with all insurgent States; but as a party we are divided, & I am not hopeful of a happy & creditable solution of the difficulty. (Franklin County: Alexander K. McClure to Edward McPherson, December 14, 1860.)

Though it is clear that McClure notes many irreconcilable differences, again he notes confidence in the administration to manage a compromise, another example of the northern idealism just before the war. McClure makes clear that he is invested in the ideas but that the foundation of the "moderate" northern hand will likely hold the union together.

Did motivations change over time or remain consistent?

Though ideology of duty seemed to remain consistent, even early in the fighting northern soldiers suffered bitterly, slow or absent pay, and deplorable conditions, while stationed on the southern fronts led some to express that their duty should be handed to others. "I would Sooner be at home I feel now that I have done my duty and would like to See Some others do theirs." (Franklin County: James A. Harman to Martin W. Carman, December 17, 1862) Again as early as December 1862 many concerns about the logistics of fighting were raised but duty was still at the head of decision making. Though it is also interesting to note that in a letter written by the same man a few months earlier he notes the difficulty associated with conducting a war, where rebels run loose and pass information to the enemy.

This war must be conducted on different principals than what it has been or our cause will be in danger, the abolitionists must be put down Slave holders must not look for their property or negroes to be protected they must either be for us or against us, that is they who are loyal must come out. And them who are rebels must Swear Allegiance to the country or be taken as prisoners of war. (Franklin County: James A. Harman to Martin W. Carman, July 18, 1862)

Though the message is largely of logistics and safety and it assaults both sides rebels as a danger to the cause, which could give one pause to believe that the reality of the war and the principles with which it is intended changed, for some as a result of actual combat experience. This soldier is Union but stationed in Virginia.

Returning to Augusta county and the diary of Addison, there is a sense that southern individuals, even those apposed to war, supported the cause as it raged around them, quite frankly because they were witness to the devastation it caused, and cared deeply about the real concerns of the situation.

The vicissitudes of the war are very strange -- Just two months ago (May 7th) we thought the Yankees were advancing upon Staunton -- now the war is raging a way off in Pennsylvania. Two months hence the Yankees may be around us again. When I read of wars in my boyhood, I thought of them as belonging to the dark ages of the world, and never expected to witness horrors of the kind. -- The thousands now lying slaughtered in Pennsylvania, and the thousands mangled by wounds, the thousands who are anticipating evil tiding! Such is war -- to say nothing of the destruction of property, fields laid waste, and all the innumerable outrages and griefs which follow in its train. (July 7, 1863)

Addison supported the war only in deed, as his diary is clear that a compromise should have been made and that the issues are not really worth the cost. His ideology changed only in that he witnesses many atrocities, and watches as men are carried off the field in embattled and weak condition. For the most part the ideologies and motivations of the reason for the war are less frequently mentioned as people are living within it, in both the north and south, They discuss duty and honor in general but in reflection of the real situation, how to live through and live dutifully in trying times.

What role did the idea of community play in people's motivations? Were people motivated primarily by local or national concerns?

One issue I have always found interesting with regard to the primary and secondary literature of the civil war is just how interested and involved people were in national politics. It must be remembered that often people of importance are those most likely to have their memoirs recorded, yet it is also clear that the period marked one where a good many people were actively involved in governance and cared deeply about national issues. Yet, one must also look at the question of gender when framing the answer to this question. Men clearly expressed concern for community and individuals within it but the lives of women seemed remarkably insular, and they are most often committed to community issues and focused on the people who they care for. In a letter from Augusta County Virginia to a cousin in the north is a clear example of the gender divide as those left behind struggle to endure without the ones they love and the community they once loved torn to shreds:

Dear Mollie, there has been many sad changes since last I wrote you, my heart aches as I think of them, but I try to submit without murmuring, for I can not but feel that it is the Lord's will, that our once prosperous & happy nation must be divided; and where peace & happiness, once Shed their smile to gladen the hearts of the people, now civil war is devastating our land. It is very sad to think of, but you know, dear cousin, as well, perhaps better than I do, the state of our beloved country. But do not let us despair, we are in the hands of a merciful God, & he will surely work all things to-gether for our good, & his own glory. His ways are mysterious. I suppose, dear Mollie, that you have not heard from Cousin Will since the war commenced. He is in Virginia, at Norfolk, a city about two hundred miles from here, I have not heard from him for some time, the last I heard of him, he was well.There has been no fighting where he is yet, & I hope there will be none. I wish I could see him, nothing would afford me more happiness. He has promised to come as soon as he can. I know where Will is, and can hear from him some time; But where is cousin Tom? Oh! how unhappy I have been a bout him since I received his last letter, which was in May. If I could feel sure of his safety I would be so happy. (Augusta County: Sue Carter to Mary A. Heirs, September 15, 1861)