Throughout the inter-war period, Arab labor activists were among the most prominent and important advocates for anti-colonial struggle and national independence. Why then were the Arab revolutionary regimes that ultimately emerged in the 1950s and 1960s so wary of Leftists and labor movements? Why were these regimes so reluctant to allow leftists and labor movements a voice in national affairs?
During the anti-colonial struggle, the Arab nationalists had a strong ideology for forming one nation. They believed this one nation, starting from the Atlantic and ending in the Indian Ocean, can be held together due to common language, politics, history, and culture. Their main goal had been to end the western influence within the Arab world. In contrast, the leftists endorsed social equality in society, particularly for the disadvantaged people (Willis, 1990). They opposed the old regime and stood firm with the French revolution. However, the nationalists believed that it was appropriate to deny the leftists a voice in national affairs, even after these Arab labor activists fought against the western influence and their peoples freedom.
The leftist believed and worked towards improvement in the socio-economic status of those subjected to unequal treatment in the society. They also stood for substantial civil and workers rights in the country. For example, they were opposed to various exploitative conducts of globalization, which favored specific races. With the labor movements, the leftists promoted the idea of inclusive growth. They denounced capitalism in which a few individuals own private companies and, through exploitation, maintain the rich-poor divide (Willis, 1990)
Moreover, the leftists believed in sharing resources with the people through decentralizing power and authority. They wanted an economy wherein the people managed the national assets and resources. For instance, the leftists advocated for an economy run by groups and organizations such as cooperatives, municipalities, trade unions, and workers councils, amongst others, instead of the state and private partners. This move aimed to protect the rights of small traders, workers, and the poor in the country (Abul-Magd, 2013).
The leftist believed that the world should be owned collectively by its people, and in doing so, they can provide justice to the poor and landless people. Leftists further argued that people should work to protect and improve the collective conditions of the masses instead of claiming divine ownership on this planet. These ideas led to several environmental-safety movements, which paved the way for environmental...
These movements further signify how leftists had a progressive and inclusive idea of growth and ought to have been allowed to contribute to matters of national affairs. Notably, most of the environmental degradation activities were carried by the rich who owned companies while disproportionately affecting poor communities. Of importance, the leftists expressed a deep sense of concern for the environment and projected their countrys love. (Willis, 1990).Subsequently, the old regimes firm belief in Arabic and Islam as the only pillars of the nation was discriminatory and a war recipe. This ideology was opposed by the leftists who stood for a liberal country that is not discriminatory and biased but values, respects, and upholds its citizens rights irrespective of race or religion. With ideal consideration, any country that minds its future progress, peace, and development should never be founded on pillars of ethnic differences, as was the old regimes interest....
…organizations that were mandated to fight for the workers rights made laws and clauses that did not favor the workers. The labor organizations sided with the state, prompting workers to engage in protests to demand their rights. A move that the state perceived could be due to the oppositions influence to overthrow the state out of power. However, even though the opposition had a larger number of members in the protest, members participated in an individual capacity. (Willis, 1990).Notably, the old dictatorial regime felt that the government should prioritize national liberation and geopolitics instead of the leftists who believed that the primary focus should be on bridging the gap between the rich and the poor. The leftists argued that there is no independence under the capitalist system. Later on, the old regime sided with the dichotomous politics where they aligned themselves with one camp against the others, hence, breeding more hatred with the leftists. (Duboc, 2015).
To conclude, it is remarkable how the Arab labor activists, like Nasser, worked hard and strained to gain independence through their various leadership. One would say they meant well for their people, and they selflessly fought for it. They also fronted the formation of Pan Arabism to advance the issues of social and national unity. However, with personal interest and power at their disposal, they veered off the road and focused on personal gain issues other than nationhood. This, therefore, culminated in the birth of the leftist whose main plan was to bring back the sanctity, uplift the poor and abolish ineualities. Also, considering various reasons enlisted above, the leftists and labor movements deserved a voice in national…
References
Abou?El?Fadl, R. (2015). Early pan?Arabism in Egypt’s July revolution: the Free Officers’ political formation and policy?making, 1946–54. Nations and Nationalism, 21(2), 289-308.
Abul-Magd, Z. (2013). Imagined Empires. In Imagined Empires. University of California Press.
Duboc, M. (2015). Reluctant revolutionaries? The dynamics of labor protests in Egypt, 2006–2013. Revolutionary Egypt: Connecting Domestic and international struggles, 27-42.
Provence, M. (2011). Ottoman modernity, colonialism, and insurgency in the inter-war Arab East. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 205-225.
Singerman, D. (2006). Restoring the family to civil society: lessons from Egypt. Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, 2(1), 1-32.
Watenpaugh, K. D. (2003). Middle-class modernity and the persistence of the politics of notables in inter-war Syria. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 35(2), 257-286.
Willis, P. (1990). The Infrapolitics of Subordinate Groups. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts, 183.
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