This study provides background information on Iraq, including its history, language, culture, economy, religion, and family. A survey of past mission work in Iraq (including the current status of the church and number of Christians) is followed by a proposed missionary strategy that recommends collaboration with Muslim relief organizations and a prohibition on proselytizing.
Unreached People Group Project (Iraq)
Language
Culture
Economy
Religion
Family
A Survey of Mission Work
History of Mission Work
Current Status of the Church
Number of Known Believers
Challenges
Present Strategies
Unreached People Group Project (Iraq)
The history of Iraq parallels the antiquity of mankind; therefore, a more recent examination of Iraq's history will be more suitable for evaluating the needs of unreached people in this country. The country used to be part of the Ottoman Empire but Britain occupied Iraq during World War I.
In this regard, Dawisha reports that, "Iraq was patched up together into a monarchy by the British in 1921 from three disparate provinces of the defunct Ottoman Empire. Divisions were so deep that when it came to choosing a ruler for the new state, the British realized that no local candidate would command the support of the whole population."
The country was designated a League of Nations mandate administered by the UK in 1920. Iraq subsequently gained independence and in 1932, it was established as a kingdom.
Although a republic was established in 1958, the country was actually ruled by a series of dictators for the next half century, culminating in the Saddam Hussein regime which ended in 2003 following interventions by a coalition of nations led by the United States.
Over the past 2 decades, however, Iraq experienced an enormously costly war in terms of human lives and national treasure with Iran from 1980 to 1988 that resulted in an essential stalemate.
Iraq has also engaged in hostile expeditions against its neighbor, Kuwait. According to analysts with the U.S. government, "In August 1990, Iraq seized Kuwait but was expelled by U.S.-led, UN coalition forces during the Gulf War of January-February 1991."
In response to continuing noncompliance with UN Security Council mandates over a 12-year period, a U.S.-led UN coalition force once again invaded and occupied Iraq in March 2003 pursuant to a subsequent UN Security Council resolution, resulting in the removal of Hussein. In addition, also pursuant to the UN Security Council resolution, U.S. military forces maintained a presence through 2009 in an effort to promote stability and provide the fledgling government with an opportunity to consolidate its authority; however, actual military operations did not end until mid-December 2011.
According to U.S. government intelligence analysts, "In October 2005, Iraqis approved a constitution in a national referendum and, pursuant to this document, elected a 275-member Council of Representatives (COR) in December 2005. The COR approved most cabinet ministers in May 2006, marking the transition to Iraq's first constitutional government in nearly a half century." There have also elections held for a national legislature and a new government was approved in December 2010; in addition, elections were held in 2009 for all provincial councils in the country's governorates with the exceptions of the Kurdistan Regional Government and Kirkuk Governorate.
Despite this apparent political progress, Iraq's more recent history is highly troubling for Christian missionaries. For instance, Marr argues that, "Iraq's history is one of competing views of the state put forth by its diverse groups and communities, the ways in which these have clashed, and how one such narrative -- that of Arab or Iraqi nationalism -- espoused mainly by a narrow minority (Sunni Arabs from a particular region), came to dominate the state apparatus."
Although Christians living in other parts of the Arab world have been "recognized as communities in law and public consciousness since the birth of Islam,"
the situation is different in Iraq today. Indeed, Marr concludes that, "Those seeking a 'new' narrative in Iraq must recognize the powerful historical legacy at work in Iraq in which virtually all alternative directions have been foreclosed."
Language. The official languages in Iraq are Arabic, Kurdish, Turkmen, and Assyrian; in addition, Armenian is recognized as an official language in regions of the country where speakers represent a majority of the population.
Culture. Although generally unified in Islamic religion, Iraq's culture is still marred by divisiveness in political and social realms. In fact, after being on the throne for 12 years, King Faysal I described the glaring problems with Iraqi society thusly: "Iraq is one of those countries that lack religious, communal and cultural unity, and as such it is divided upon itself; its power dispersed."
Unfortunately, the king's empirical observations concerning the divisiveness of Iraqi culture are still relevant today. In this regard, King Faysal I concluded that, "The Arab Sunni government rules over a Kurdish population, the bulk of which is ignorant, that is led by people with personal ambitions who use the [Kurds'] ethnic difference to advocate secession."
Other aspects of Iraqi culture can be discerned from Geert Hofstede's salient cultural dimensions which are applied to Iraq in Table 1 below.
Table 1
Application of Geert Hofstede's Five Cultural Dimensions to Iraq
Cultural Dimension
Description
Application to Iraq
Power distance
This dimension deals with the fact that all individuals in societies are not equal -- it expresses the attitude of the culture towards these inequalities amongst us. Power distance is defined as the extent to which the less powerful members of institutions and organisations within a country expect and accept that power is distributed unequally.
Iraq scores high on this dimension (score of 95) which means that people accept a hierarchical order in which everybody has a place and which needs no further justification. Hierarchy in an organization is seen as reflecting inherent inequalities, centralization is popular, subordinates expect to be told what to do and the ideal boss is a benevolent autocrat
Individualism
The fundamental issue addressed by this dimension is the degree of interdependence a society maintains among its members. It has to do with whether people's self-image is defined in terms of "I" or "We." In Individualist societies people are supposed to look after themselves and their direct family only.
Iraq, with a score of 30 is considered a collectivistic society. This is manifest in a close long-term commitment to the member 'group', be that a family, extended family, or extended relationships. Loyalty in a collectivist culture is paramount, and over-rides most other societal rules and regulations. The society fosters strong relationships where everyone takes responsibility for fellow members of their group.
Masculinity
A high score (masculine) on this dimension indicates that the society will be driven by competition, achievement and success, with success being defined by the winner / best in field -- a value system that starts in school and continues throughout organizational behaviour.
Iraq scores 70 on this dimension and is thus a masculine society. In masculine countries people "live in order to work," managers are expected to be decisive and assertive, the emphasis is on equity, competition and performance and conflicts are resolved by fighting them out.
Uncertainty avoidance
The dimension Uncertainty Avoidance has to do with the way that a society deals with the fact that the future can never be known: should we try to control the future or just let it happen? This ambiguity brings with it anxiety and different cultures have learnt to deal with this anxiety in different ways.
Iraq scores 85 on this dimension and thus has a high preference for avoiding uncertainty. Countries exhibiting high uncertainty avoidance maintain rigid codes of belief and behaviour and are intolerant of unorthodox behaviour and ideas. In these cultures, security is an important element in individual motivation.
Source: Geert Hofstede's Cultural Dimensions (2014) at http://geert-hofstede.com/iraq.html
Economy. One of the bright spots on the Iraqi horizon is the nation's economic development. The hiatus in civil unrest provided by the U.S. military presence over the past several years gave the country the opportunity to recover and there is notable growth in the energy, construction, and retail sectors.
According to U.S. analysts, though, "Broader economic development, long-term fiscal health, and sustained improvements in the overall standard of living still depend on the central government passing major policy reforms."
The country's economy remains largely undiversified, however, and is depends heavily on the oil sector that accounts for more than 90% of the Iraqi government's revenues and 80% of its foreign exchange revenues.
In sum, although the energy sector's future appears bright, the country is still having difficulty attracting new foreign investment due to an uncertain business environment and a lack of the political and economic reforms.
As can be discerned from the trends shown in Figure 1 below, Iraqi GDP annual growth is slowly recovering from a precipitous decline in 2005.
Figure 1. Iraqi GDP Annual Growth Rate: January 2004 to January 2012
Source: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/iraq/gdp-growth-annual
Note: The annual growth rate in Gross Domestic Product measures the increase in value of the goods and services produced by an economy over the period of a year. Therefore, unlike the commonly used quarterly GDP growth rate the annual GDP growth rate takes into account a full year of economic activity, thus avoiding the need to make any type of seasonal adjustment.
Religion. The country is overwhelmingly (97%) Muslim (Shia 60%-65%, Sunni 32%-37%), and Islam is the official religion. Christians and other religions account for the remaining 3% of the Iraqi population.
Family. Pursuant to mixture of shari'a law and civil law, men are the heads of the household and of Iraqi society.
Some indication of the composition of contemporary Iraqi families can be discerned from the breakdown of the current Iraqi population provided in Table 2 and depicted graphically in a population pyramid in Figure 2 below.
Table 2
Demographic Breakdown of Iraqi Society Today
Age Group
Percentage of Population
Males
Females
0-14 years
37.2%
6,029,869
5,818,752
15-24 years
19.6%
3,175,754
3,082,880
25-54 years
35.8%
5,823,608
5,585,217
55-64 years
4.2%
637,889
698,691
65 years and over
3.2%
467,858
537,963
Source: CIA World Factbook at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/
Figure 2. Population Pyramid for Iraq: 2014
Source: CIA World Factbook at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/
A Survey of Mission Work
History of Mission Work. Many past efforts at Christian mission work in the Arab world including Iraq have failed because "missionaries did not come with one basic Christianity, but with many religions under the Christian name."
The outcome of this approach to missionary work was doomed from the outset because of the fundamental differences that are involved between Islam and Christianity, making the need to present an accurate message about Christianity all the more essential. In this regard, Schein emphasizes that, "This mentality has led missionaries in the past to translate particular creeds and dogmas, hymns, and even theological writings into Arabic, thinking they have done something when in fact the terms translated are so western they have no meaning to the Muslim ear."
Likewise, many missionaries to Iraq fear that even their provision of humanitarian aid to Iraq will "give the appearance of a Christian attack on Islam."
Current Status of the Church. The Christian church in Iraq is on the brink of extinction, with only a few Christians surviving in barricaded, bomb-proofed communities. According to Persecution: International Christian Concern, "Along with the physical absence of Christians, much of the culture and heritage of the church is in danger of being lost as well. There have been some steps taken both politically and by civil society to protect and promote Christianity in Iraq."
Number of Known Believers. Although the percentage of Christians (and others) in Iraq is officially reported at less than 3%, the actual figures may be much lower. For instance, according to U.S. government analysts, "While there has been voluntary relocation of many Christian families to northern Iraq, recent reporting indicates that the overall Christian population may have dropped by as much as 50% since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, with many fleeing to Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon."
This assessment of the diminishing numbers of Christians in Iraq is congruent with the analysis provided by Persecution: International Christian Concern that reports, "The story of Christianity in Iraq over the past 11 years is troubling in many ways. In the midst of the violence the number of Christians has decreased by 1.2 million. Prior to 2003 there was estimated to be 1.5 million, now just 300,000 remain."
It should be noted, though, that some authorities place the figure higher. For instance, Allen reports that, "Iraq's Christian minority, which ranges from 750,000 to 1 million in a population of 23 million, depending upon whose count one accepts. The majority is Chaldean Catholic, with the rest scattered among various Orthodox and Eastern Catholic denominations. There is also a small but growing handful of Protestant evangelicals."
Challenges. Perhaps nowhere else are Christians threatened as they are in modern-day Iraq.
In this regard, Mitri emphasizes that, "Today, the anxiety of Christians in the Arab world and their friends is evident. It arises from the effects of their dwindling numbers, the economic and political failures of the national states and fears in the face of rising Islamism." In fact, according to Deshmukh, Iraq is one of the least free countries in the world with respect to the free exercise of religious convictions that differ from Islam.
The result of this lack of free exercise of religious conviction has been "discrimination and repression based on religion (persecution of certain groups, a hierarchy of citizens based on religious conviction, and sectarian violence which will ultimately cause a chilling effect on the fundamental freedom of religion."
According to Mitri, "The anxiety of Christians is also lived and expressed by a considerable number of Muslims. We often forget that the fears of Iraqi Christians affect many Muslims as well."
In fact, Persecution: International Christian Concern reports that at least 1,000 Christians have been murdered in Iraq since 2003, and ongoing clashes between Sunni and Shiite groups will inevitably spill over into any remaining Christian communities.
Indeed, 140 Christians were recently killed during four days of violence in 2014
and another 37 were killed in a car bombing attack on Christians on Christmas Day 2013.
Not surprisingly, these attacks and the threat of even more attacks in the future have had a chilling effect on the Christian community in Iraq, with many feeling compelled to sacrifice their religious beliefs for personal safety. For instance, according to Mitri, "Christians in Iraq are constantly and forcefully confronted with the importance of defining the relationship between communal loyalty and national identity, not only in the realm of ideas but in their daily lives."
Present Strategies. Recent Christian missionary work to Iraq has been largely limited to the provision of humanitarian aid. For instance, beginning in 2003, Christian missionaries, including 25,000 evangelists from the Southern Baptist Convention, were allowed into Iraq to assist in the provision of humanitarian aid.
Despite the ongoing threats, some Christian missionaries view the post-Hussein environment in Iraq positively for future missionary work. For instance, Schein adds that, "The Spirit of God is at work among young Arab Muslims, and Lutherans with their dynamic understanding of biblical faith, theology, and grace could play a significant part in this movement of God's Spirit."
Proposed Strategy
As noted above, many previous strategies for missionary work in Iraq have failed due to a lack of a cohesive approach that took the chasms of differences between Islam and Christianity into account. Indeed, Christian missionaries in Iraq are walking on extremely thin religious ice that threatens to break at any time because Christian proselytizing is a violation of Islamic law and represents a capital offense. In this regard, Watson reports that:
Missionaries may find they have worries other than a cold reception to their overtures in Iraq. At his trial, the accused killer of three workers at a Southern Baptist hospital said he killed them because they were missionaries. 'I acted out of a religious duty.... And in revenge from those who converted Muslims from their religion and made them unbelievers.'
From this perspective, the people of Iraq can be regarded as not being so much unreached as they are being unreached by Christianity and this is not out of ignorance but is rather a deeply seated religious conviction that will not be easily dismissed or changed by missionary work. Indeed, the Iraqi people have been reached by Islam for than thirteen centuries and the fact that Iraq remains overwhelming Muslim calls into question whether traditional Christian missionary work is still appropriate. In this regard, O'Keefe notes that, "Will proselytizing in Iraq offer comfort and hope to a nation that is 97% Muslim? Or will it reinforce the growing perception of Muslims worldwide that the war is against Islam."
The difficulties involved in providing Christian missionary work were further exacerbated by America's invasion and long-term occupation of the country which was resented by many Iraqi Muslims. For instance, according to Burk, many Muslims viewed "the American war in Iraq as an immoral extension of America's imperial ambition to dominate the world. The only way to fight terror is by working for mutual understanding and respect. The American empire's war in Iraq amounts to fighting one kind of terror with another."
Forging mutual understanding and respect certainly sounds like a viable approach to delivering missionary work in Iraq, but the fundamental constraint concerning a paucity of interest in and even hatred for Christianity on the part of many Muslims remains firmly in place. In this regard, Feuerherd asks, "How should the church respond to the 'aggressive' tactics -- designed primarily to convert Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus and other non-Christians -- used by some Christian evangelical missionaries in developing non-Christian countries?"
In many cases, Christian churches have responded by proselytizing under the thin veil of humanitarian aid and this thin veil has been readily discerned by Iraqi Muslims, generating highly negative responses. For instance, Feuerherd reports that:
A good number of the 10,000 evangelical Christian missionaries currently active in Islamic nations employ techniques (preference to Christians in humanitarian and medical services, overt proselytizing in countries where such practices are restricted and general insensitivity to the cultural context in which they are operating) that invite a backlash against churches that take a more nuanced approach.
Even more "more nuanced approaches," though, are fraught with opportunities for failure because of the potential perception of Christian proselytizing, a tendency that has been consistently reinforced by past missionary practices in the Arab world.
For instance, Kelly reports that Billy Graham's son, Franklin Graham, had adopted a heavy-handed approach to missionary work in Iraq following America's invasion and occupation that was inappropriate and ultimately ineffective. In this regard, Kelly reports with respect to Franklin Graham's Samaritan's Purse organization: "He [went] into Iraq in the wake of an invading army to convert people to Christianity. Nothing good is coming of that."
Indeed, in many ways, Franklin Graham has done more harm than good for future missionary missions to Iraq because of the heated rhetoric he has used in the past with reference to Islam. According to Kelly, "Franklin Graham once called Islam 'a very evil and wicked religion' in an interview on NBC-TV. In his book The Name, Graham wrote, 'The God of Islam is not the God of the Christian faith." He also said "the two are different as lightness and darkness.'"
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