Note: Sample below may appear distorted but all corresponding word document files contain proper formattingExcerpt from essay:
During the 1980s, to help spotlight international concern regarding the unprecedented nuclear arms race, India joined the Six-Nation Five-Continent joint.
Amidst India's resolve to maintain its commitment to nuclear disarmament, it consistently opposed discriminatory treaties like the Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT) and Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT); holding its nuclear options while other countries hold their nuclear weapons/options (India's Foreign
Another contemporary concern involves the fact that different departments report different figures regarding the exact number of Indians who live abroad. Anirudhan Sampath, CPI-M, has demanded that India give voting rights in the electoral process of India to those Indians who live abroad.
Yadav cautions India that Pakistan has sent weapons to India through Nepal and Uttar Pradesh, and warns that India need to constantly be on our guard; that China and Pakistan have never been friends of India and that they never will be. Vijay Bahadur Singh, claims that India does not actually have a definite or consistent foreign policy (Foreign policy… 2010). He argues that India should implement two kinds of foreign policy for its neighboring countries:
1. One for weaker neighbors and
2. One for stronger neighbors (Singh, quoted in Foreign policy… 2010, ¶ 6).
Singh asserts that China wants to economically destabilize India. He also perceives Pakistan to be one of India's the weak neighbors but claims that in diplomacy, Pakistan beats India (Foreign policy… 2010). Somini Sengupta (2006) recounts a number of historical conflicts between China and India in the article, "China-India relations go beyond borders Hu visits New Delhi to shore up ties, but the true competition is global reach." For India, overtures such as Hu, the Chinese president visiting India, the first Chinese president to do so in 10 years, as did the announcement of the potential deals like the expansion of trade and further nuclear cooperation proved to be substantial irritants. New Delhi, due to some hangovers from the past as well as some that are contemporary in nature, reportedly cannot surmount its legacy of distrust about China. The most entrenched bilateral dispute between China and India relates to their conflicting border claims. India claims a broad swath of Chinese-controlled territory in Kashmir as its own. China argues that the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh constitutes a part of China. Talks between India and China have stagnated and show no sign of reaching a resolution on the border. China's relationships with Pakistan contribute further to the rift between China and India.
Since India's independence, its relationships with Pakistan have fallen prey to variations of short-lived euphoric phases and increased expectations trailed by extended intervals of disappointment. Times have also included strains and tensions as well as armed conflicts. Consequently, as their bilateral disputes remain unresolved, both India and Pakistan continue to experience mutual mistrust, with severe restrictions and limitations circumscribing their cooperation. Javid Husain (2008), feature writer, asserts in the journal article, "Article: Pakistan-India relations," that "both Pakistan and India need to avoid short-sighted policies…"; and instead need to invest their attention into "the gigantic task of eradicating poverty and raising the standard of living of their people" (¶ 1). To start, India and Pakistan, both South Asian nuclear powers, need to develop of a new approach has to facilitating peace between themselves. Not defusing the inherent risk of the two countries' conflict could ultimately ignite into a nuclear conflagration; exploding to an armed conflict spreading beyond the borders of both countries.
The promotional article for a leading research and brokerage firm, Wall Street Access, conference call, "Former Ambassador and South Asia Expert Teresita Schaffer to discuss the State and potential economic impact of India-Pakistan relations (2009), relates concerns of Ambassador Teresita C. Schaffer, the Director of South Asia Programs at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington-based international policy institute. Schaffer assets that: Investors should be concerned regarding the ongoing tensions India experiences with Pakistan. John Blaney, Wall Street Access special consultant Ambassador, concurs that Investors need to have insight to the tensions between India, "one of the BRIC emerging economies that has seen tremendous economic growth and investment - and Pakistan - the world's second- most populous Muslim nation, which shares borders with Afghanistan, Iran, China, and Tajikistan" (Blaney, quoted in Former Ambassador… ¶ 6).
Primary issues addressed in the conference call stressing the critical need for investors to better understanding the evolving potential and risks of the India-Pakistan relationship included:
1. The commercial prospects for trade and investment in India
2. The United States evolving relationships with India and Pakistan regarding aid, defense commitments, and nuclear weapons issues.
3. The impact of the India-Pakistan conflict on U.S./NATO efforts in the region, and on anti-terrorism globally
4. Whether escalation of the India-Pakistan conflict could divert the Obama
administration from its already overflowing political and economic agenda at home (Former Ambassador…2009, ¶ 6).
Contrary to India's relations with Pakistan, India's bilateral relations with the United States (U.S.) prove more positive. India and the U.S., both democracies, share many ideals. Indian's relations "have also continued to grow with the 15 countries of the European Union, and with Japan. These countries are important economic partners of India, especially in the wake of our economic reforms" (India's Foreign Policy… 2010, India & the U.S. Section, ¶ 2). During its pursuit of bilateral relations with other countries, albeit, India reports it has sought to preserve the independence of its country's perception; protecting India's national interests from the pressures to conform and convolute or lose its unique contributions to the world. Throughout the years, India reports, its relations with Russia have matured to comprise a significant foreign policy priority for both countries. Both India and Russia acknowledge the strategic dimension of their multifaceted ties. Russia reportedly holds future goodwill for India, with recent economic policies bonding the countries in more positive scenarios. Other considerations, according to history include:
India's foreign policy has always regarded the concept of neighborhood as one of widening concentric circles, around a central axis of historical and cultural commonalties. From this point-of-view, it has always given due priority to the development of relations with South East Asia. In 1947, India organized the Asian Relations Conference. It chaired the International Control Commission in 1954 and was a major player in the organization of the Bandung Conference in 1955. Today, India is implementing a "Look East" policy which is underpinned by important economic considerations. Some significant steps in the pursuance of this policy have been taken with the admission of India as a full dialogue partner of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum, in 1996 (India's Foreign Policy… 2010, ¶ 10).
A dynamic foreign policy possessed the ability to respond to changing developments. During the aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union and the emergence of the Central Asian Republics, India deliberately strengthened its bilateral relations with each of these Republics. "The shift in recent years by the countries of Central and East Europe to political pluralism and market-oriented structures has also seen India trying to build upon existing business and institutional linkages" (India's Foreign Policy… 2010, ¶ 11). Through this active engagement, India has further strengthened the conventional bonds of friendship with the countries of this area.
The news article, "Tharoor Calls for Boosting UAE-India Relations" (2009) reports that Shashi Tharoor, the Indian Minister of State for External Affairs, asserts that with more than $29 billion in bilateral trade, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) comprises India's third largest trading partner. The UAE also depicts "one of the major investors in India with investments of more than $4.5 billion through the Foreign Direct Investment and Foreign Institutional Investment route in the different sectors of the Indian economy" (Tharoor Calls… ¶ 7). Tharoor also urged the business community in the Dubai needs to further explore contemporary investment opportunities of in India's various fields in India.
Tharoor stresses that India has offered support to the UAE to secure right to house the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) headquarters. India also supports the UAE's vision to generate electricity through nuclear energy. Tharoor contends that IRENA's presence will contribute to the generation of various forms of alternative energy and stressed that Indian does not obsess over nuclear energy as it only comprises a single energy form for generating electricity (Tharoor Calls… 2009).
India as well as other countries, according to Tharoor, needs to explore and develop other forms of energy like develop solar, hydrocarbon, and wind energy. Tharoor invited the UAE to invest in India's power sector, as to meet future energy demand, India anticipates that it will need to increase its country's power generating capacity seven times.
Rationale and Significance of Study
The primary reason the researcher choose to focus on India's emerging power and foreign economic policy and examine a number of lessons history records regarding India evolves from the researcher's professional pursuit of future involvement in international foreign economic policy ventures, based in and/or promoting…[continue]
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' Indians across the political spectrum, especially the country's powerful nuclear weapons establishment, are critical of the NPT, arguing that it unfairly warps international hierarchies to the disadvantage of the non-nuclear-weapon states" (1998:15). In its efforts to balance the pressures from the international community with its own self-interests in formulating foreign policies, the position adopted by India has been starkly different than other countries. In this regard, Karp concludes that,
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