Schools and Education Relate to Broader Social Structures

¶ … Schools and Education Relate to Broader Social Structures

This paper provides a critical evaluation of three texts, Education and Social Change by John Rury, Tearing Down the Gates by Peter Sacks and Learning the Hard Way by Edward W. Morris to identify the authors' purpose for writing these texts, the major arguments presented by the authors, the degree to which the views are supported or refuted by the arguments, and the degree to which the text supports their own objectives to understand how schools and education relate to broader social structures, including economic forces, social capital, and changes in the American family and workplace over the past several decades. Finally, a summary of the research concerning these social structures and their respective influence on education and the nation's schools together with important findings concerning these issues are presented in the conclusion.

Review and Discussion

In the United States, the existing arrangement of elite private secondary and postsecondary education has been cited as being responsible for some of these inequities and critics argue that current institutional arrangements ensure that the children of elite parents receive the lion's share of educational opportunities (Sacks, 2007). These disparities in educational access are all the more significant because they exist in a nation where education is widely recognized as the path to economic and personal success. In this regard, in his text, Education and Social Change, Rury (2002) argues for a reevaluation of the priorities in American education and a careful scrutiny of the social structures that sustain existing disparities. Rury reports that national surveys in the U.S. confirm that most Americans consider a free and universal public education as a fundamental right, and that education should serve as a path towards better citizenship (Durkheim, 2012). According to Rury (2000), "Most American continue to believe in the principle of free and universal public education, both as an instrument of assimilation and away of promoting national unity, and as a means of economic advancement, personal and collective" (p. 219). Nevertheless, Rury also emphasizes that there are a number of barriers to securing a high quality education in the United States that involve race, gender and social class. In this regard, Rury emphasizes that, "Race, gender, and social class still produce invidious distinctions within the schools, and across the larger society that sustains them" (2009, p. 219).

Notwithstanding the increasing part being played by the federal government in the delivery and content of educational services in the United States, education continues to be largely localized (Rury). Across the country, there remains a wide disparity between the manner in which educational services are provided as well as in the quality of what curricular offerings are available, even between two places that may be in close geographic proximity (Rury). Besides serving as a means of developing better citizens, the public schools have also been routinely tasked with providing the business community with the types of education that is needed in an increasingly competitive and globalized marketplace. In this regard, Rury emphasizes that, "Education has been linked in various ways to economic activity since the very first schools, but in the past several decades the influence of the labor market has been especially striking" (p. 220). Clearly, America society and a number of economic factors have had a major impact on the public schools, so it is important to take these discrete factors into account when considering their collective impact. In this regard, Rury notes that, "To understand American schools today, one must consider the collective impact of all these elements and decide which of them are most significant at this particular time" (p. 220).

Therefore, an understanding concerning how schools and education relate to broader social structures involves a critical analysis of the prevailing zeitgeist. As Rury points out, "The interrelationship of education and social change is quite complex. Clearly, the schools and educational practices observed throughout history have been shaped by larger social forces, just as have other social institutions and practices" (p. 220). Although there have been other social forces at work in shaping the public schools over the years, most of these forces were economic in nature. In the past, the public schools were the vehicle by which the business community could secure the educated and trained workers it needed during times of technological innovation, and these same forces continue to operate today (Rury). In this regard, Rury advises that, "Many of the major processes of social transformation were economic: the search for labor in the New World, the rise of the factory system, the onset of full-scale industrialization, and the human capital revolution" (p. 220).

These were indeed "major processes of social transformation" for the nation's schools, and each of these waves of social change had important implications for education and resulted in substantive changes in the schools (Rury). In this regard, Rury points out that, "The factory system provided models for creating more orderly and uniform schools; industrialization helped inspire the social efficiency movement, the celebration of differentiation, and the rise of testing during the Progressive Era" (p. 220).

Social capital, then, represents yet another social structure that has been highly influential in shaping what is taught in the nation's public schools as well as what types of academic outcomes are achieved with scare taxpayer resources. For instance, Rury emphasizes that, "Historically, differences in social and cultural capital appear to have accounted for great disparities in the school performance of children from different backgrounds, and this has continued to be true into the 21st century" (2002, p. 222). In fact, it would seem that every educational initiative in recent years has somehow unjustly benefited by elite at the expense of the country's lower-income families as a concomitant of the human capital revolution. From Rury's perspective, as manifested by high-stakes testing regimens, the human capital revolution has had an enormous influence of the nation's public schools:

High-stakes testing became an increasingly popular feature of American schooling as the 20th century drew to a close. In many respects it is possible to see the rush to institute new regimes of standard assessments in American education as a corollary of the human capital revolution, and a correspondingly narrow way of viewing the function of schools. (2002, p. 222)

While the proponents of high-stakes testing cite the need for uniform measures of academic progress irrespective of the localized educational content being delivered, Rury argues that these initiatives have only served to further reinforce and even exacerbate the inherent inequities that pervade the nation's school system. These initiatives, though, have been the result of a growing demand for an educated workforce that the elite need to make the system work. The influence of this social structure on education and the public schools is abundantly apparent. In this regard, Rury notes that, "The point of systemic reform, after all, was to make schooling more productive in terms of specific curricula, and most of the attention of the testers was focused on mathematics, science, and reading" (p. 222). Although this shift in focus to core curricular offerings can be traced to the post-Sputnik era, the emphasis has become increasingly pronounced in recent years as innovations in technology have fueled the need for an educated workforce. According to Rury, mathematics, science and reading "of course, were the subject areas most frequently linked to the new service and professional sectors of the economy and to the higher demand for advanced educational credentials" (2002, p. 222).

Rather than being an evil tool of the elite to favor their own, though, Rury qualifies the actual nature of standardized testing as simply being the most efficient way of identifying which of the lower-income cohorts might be suitable for further education. In this regard, Rury reports that, "Standardized tests simply were a form of technology well suited to the task of identifying individuals who had developed these abilities, and schools that successfully imparted them" (p. 222). It is difficult to argue with the need for accountability and evidence-based practices in the nation's public schools, and Rury suggests that standardized testing was yet another way in which social structures influence education and the public schools. As Rury points out, "Standardized tests, then, were a pragmatic approach to making schools accountable for producing more such skilled individuals was thus a strategy for strengthening the national capacity for economic growth and at the same time improving the productivity and earning power of individual Americans" (p. 222).

Standardized tests, though, have been cited time and again as being unfairly designed in ways that adversely affect less privileged members of American society. In the business world, it is axiomatic that in order to improve something, it must first be measured and this same philosophy has been applied to the nation's schools in ways that make them resemble so many factories churning out so many widgets. As Rury puts it, "In other words, education is seen as just another factor of production, subject to measurement and improvement like sources of energy, new machinery, raw material, and waste management" (2002, p. 222).

Likewise, the human capital revolution resulted in a reassessment of the value of education in economic terms as well as the role of education in national development (Rury). The inextricable relationship between changes in society and corresponding changes in the nation's public schools is also made clear by Rury's observation that, "In each of these instances, the institution of schooling responded to social change dictated by the process of economic expansion and development. Given this historical record, there can be little doubt that the shifting economy has exerted a powerful influence over the schools" (p. 220). Beyond the more obvious impact that economic forces have had on American public schools, there is also the issue of shifts in ideology that have played a major role in shaping modern education. In this regard, Rury notes that, "Social change, though, is not simply economic. Indeed, ideology has been an important component of the shifting relations between major social and political groups in American history, and this too has affected the schools" (p. 220).

The predominant ideology in the United States is dynamic as well, and is shaped by the prevailing views concerning science, religion and other social forces (Rury). In the past, these were manifested in "separate but equal" educational facilities for African-Americans and gender-based practices that systematically excluded females (Rury). Likewise, Rury emphasizes that, "Other minority groups suffered similar patterns of discrimination in the schools as a consequence of beliefs that held all non-White or non-Protestant students to be inferior in motivation or ability" (p. 220).

Many of these views were firmly institutionalized and defied quick changes, despite several important legislative actions. In fact, it has required a groundswell of sustained effort on the part of American stakeholders including the Women's and Civil Rights Movements to effect any substantive changes in society, and the last vestiges of racism and sexism as evidenced by the glass ceiling have yet to be fully erased from the national consciousness. It is reasonable to suggest that in many parts of the country, these ideologies have been sustained through curricular offerings that covertly support sexist and racist agenda. In this regard, Rury points out that, "In these respects, and perhaps in countless others, it is possible to say that ideology has been a major element of social change that has served to shape the course of American education throughout history" (p. 220).

Taken together, it would seem that American schools are just so much economic and ideological Silly Putty, being squeezed into various shapes according to the dictates of the day. In fact, though, American schools have also been highly influenced even further social factors including the fundamental changes families and the social contract compared to the mid-20th century. During the succeeding decades, American families have been reshaped by socialization patterns including the manner in which children were raised as well as the relationships between family members (Rury). In sum, Rury advises, "Families became smaller over the course of American history, demographic episodes like the baby boom notwithstanding, and this has contributed toward greater intimacy and affection in household relations" (Rury, 2002, p. 224). A good example of the influence that changes in American families has had on education is the overall increased ability of parents today compared to the mid-20th century to provide their children with more educational resources than at any time in the history of the United States. According to Rury, "Parents have even greater resources to devote to the education of their children, and this has played a role in the growth of schooling, especially postsecondary enrollment in the postwar period. The baby boomers and the generations that followed them have been among the most privileged children in history" (p. 224). This change had a concomitant, though, in the growth of single-parent families compared to the mid-20th century (Rury).

Although every child is unique and may possess the resilience needed to overcome any such barriers to academic pursuits, the research to date confirms the inextricable association between single-parent families and lowered educational outcomes. These changes in American families have significant implications for the schools as well, reflecting the manner in which schools and education relate to broader social structures. For instance, according to Rury, "The number of single-parent households also has increased dramatically, especially in the nation's larger cities during the past several decades. These families typically have fewer resources, both psychological and financial, to contribute to their children's education" (p.224). This is not to say, of course, that there are no exemplars to prove that these constraints are not insurmountable, but it is to say that children from low-income, single-parent families are at a disadvantage, and this disadvantage has specific implications for educators. In this regard, Rury adds that, "Students from poor single-parent households pose a great challenge to the schools today" (p. 224). Emphasizing the "it takes a village" aspect of social life in America, Rury also cites a final element of social change which he describes "simply as community" (p. 224).

Although these same social factors have influenced the educational systems in other countries as well, they have been particularly influenced in the United States where the frontier was just over the horizon and it was important to have strong social connections with neighbors. As Rury points out, "It was the cohesiveness of early rural settlements that accounted for much of the success of the 19th-century common schools. Families knew one another, and a sense of shared values and goals in life served to reinforce the role of the school in imparting academic skills, social norms, and culturally sanctioned knowledge" (p. 224). During this early period in American educational history, there was perhaps a more direct connection between the dominant values of a community and what was taught in the schools compared to an era of common core standards and standardized national high-stakes testing. According to Rury, during this period in American history, "This process reflected the influence of social capital, the stock of relationships and resources that children in these settings could draw upon to succeed in acquiring relevant values, skills, and knowledge" (p. 224).

While it is reasonable to suggest that it still takes a village to raise a child, it is also reasonable to posit that this influence has diminished somewhat as the United States has become increasingly stratified along class lines. The debate over the proper role of the public schools in a modern society became especially pronounced during the l980s and since that time, a growing body of research has evaluated class stratification in American schools (Dodson, 2007). One of the more salient works in this area Peter Sacks's Tearing Down the Gates which describes the plight of poor white high school students as personified by Ashlea, who was raised in a trailer park by parents with little income or education.

Although being born poor and white is not an automatic academic death sentence, Sacks makes it clear that there are a number of challenges involved in securing a high-quality education for lower-income Americans that are worthy of closer scrutiny in evaluating how schools and education relate to broader social structures. To this end, Sacks describes the inexorable process that is characteristic of lower-income students wherein these young people begin school with a learning gap compared to their more affluent counterparts, and many never manage to catch up.

This gap between the suburban country-club haves and the inner-city have-nots translates into similar gaps in the classroom, because lower-income families do not possess the "cultural capital" (sophistication, in-group knowledge, business networks, friends, associates, political leaders, Masons) enjoyed by more affluent families that can facilitate the lifelong learning process. Because college-educated parents personal experience with the process, they can help their children navigate the high school experience in ways that uneducated parents cannot.

While it is reasonable to suggest that many other parents of all income brackets may be unable to help their children in this fashion, Sacks' does make a good point that is frequently overlooked in the analysis of how schools and education relate to broader social structures. By any measure, the college experience can be daunting for anyone, but the overarching point made by Sacks is that American elite enjoy a significant competitive advantage in the classroom that perpetuates and exacerbates the learning gap that lower-incomes bring to the classroom.

The vicious-cycle quality of the educational system in the United States that reinforces class advantage and these disparities in learning is harming the nation as a whole. The importance of a high quality public educational system is emphasized by Baker and LaTendre (2012) who cite the national interests in support of the resources devoted to the enterprise. According to Baker and LaTendre, "Although schools are so commonplace we often overlook them, they play a crucial role in the making of our social world" (p. 445). Moreover, there are some stellar examples of high-performing public schools in the Western world that suggest the United States is failing to keep up with global best practices (Compton & Wagner, 2012). For example, Rosenbaum (2012) points out that American's high schools are not only failing to adequately prepare students for college, they are also failing to prepare students who do not go to college or who go to college and drop out for life in the real world by providing them with the job-hunting skills everyone (besides the elite) needs to succeed.

These are compelling arguments given the enormous amount of taxpayer resources that are involved, and it is little wonder that many observers are questioning the legitimacy of an educational system that perpetuates rather than diminishes gaps in learning between the rich and poor. For instance, according to Morris (2012), "To add depth and clarity to these outcomes, gender must be considered along with students' race, class and school location. Significant academic gaps do not appear among middle- and upper-class students. Plenty of men still obtain an MBA, an MD or a PhD. . . . The educational crisis for boys is really only occurring among certain segments of boys" (p. 4). The educational crisis for lower-income males students, though, is especially severe. As Morris points out:

In general, African-American, Latino and low-income students demonstrate much wider academic gaps favoring girls. Research in predominately minority, urban communities shows that girls in these contexts are considerably more likely than boys to make higher grades, graduate from high school, enroll in college, and aspire to higher-status occupations. (p. 4)

It is important to note, though, that Lew (2012) emphasizes the need to take into account social forces such as peer networks, class, and school context when evaluating academic performance by minorities in mainstream educational settings. In this regard, Lew concludes that, "In short, variability of school performance among black and white students should taken into account not only race and culture but also how these processes may be fluid and salient depending on the changing social and school contexts" (p. 413). Indeed, in some social contexts, a fundamental barrier to improved academic outcomes is what Ogbu terms the "oppositional culture" of African-Americans towards learning for fear of being labeled a "nerd" or "acting white" (p. 389).

These are interesting findings that suggest the influence of social structures on lower-income students may be far more complicated than a casual analysis of Department of Education statistics might reveal. After all, lower-income girls appear to be managing to overcome the obstacles to academic success better than their male counterparts. The arguments advanced by Sacks are not without merit, though, especially since they serve to highlight yet another social structure that affects education and the public schools, but his analysis of demographic trends over the past 40 years or so may be overlooking the inordinately high percentage of Baby Boomers who were middle managers by virtue of the social contract, the GI Bill and therefore were college educated or otherwise trained. Although there has been a so-called Baby Boom echo, it is reasonable to suggest that there are fewer rich children being born compared to lower-income families because there are more lower-income families already.