Connected Immigrant Communities Chaney (2010)

¶ … Connected Immigrant Communities Chaney (2010) reports that there has been a large influx of Hispanic immigrants to Nashville, Tennessee over the last two decades. This large number of immigrants to the area has led to the establishment of an ethnic enclave in the community. The proliferation of Hispanic organizations, churches, and other community elements is the evidence for enclave development.

This development of the enclave has enabled Hispanic immigrants to operate and live entirely within the Hispanic dominated environment, which include the primary use of Spanish as the main language of communication. Chaney notes that the enclave environment reduces the involvement of Hispanics into the larger English-speaking American culture environment, which in turn slows down the acquisition of the English language among Hispanic immigrants (Chaney).

Bleakley and Chin (2010) examined the effects of age of arrival of Hispanic immigrants to the United States on the person's social assimilation and English language acquisition. They note that for the Hispanic population in Chicago, the tendency is for the immigrants to move into the Hispanic enclave of the Chicago area, thereby immersing themselves not in the general English speaking population, rather they are living in an enclave in which the Spanish language is the dominant language.

For those under the age of 15 at age of arrival into the U.S., the trend was higher for acquiring English language skills. However, for that subgroup, associations between English language acquisition, higher divorce rates, change of residency, and decreased fertility were noted. Overall, living in the Hispanic enclave tended to lower trends of English language acquisition among all immigrants, with focus on the 15 and above age group showing the least English language acquisition (Bleakley and Chin, Age at Arrival, English Proficiency, and Social Assimilation Among U.S. Immigrants).

Schrauf (2009) examined English language use by bilingual immigrants in who lived in ethnic neighbourhoods using the Spanish language. The study sample included 60 older Puerto Rican immigrants, dividing the sample among three language proficiency groups (fluent, low intermediate, and high intermediate). Participants were asked to assess their own English language proficiency and the use of English in their social milieu. The results indicated that the ethnic neighbourhood protected the native language use among older immigrants, though English language use was increasingly being used in their lives.

Children were noted as significant forces of social change in bringing English language use into the ethnic language household. People identified in lower economic and social strata were associated with lower rates of English proficiency. Schrauf notes that the level of fluency of English language speaking is connected to intracultural variation factors (Schrauf). Burr and Mutchler (2003) studied the effects of English language acquisition and use by older Mexican immigrants on household dynamics.

The investigators wanted to find out if English language use had any effect upon the ability of the older Mexican immigrant to live independently. The sample data was drawn from the 1990 U.S. Census data, including residence statistics, ethnic identification, and language use. The results demonstrate that ethnic enclaves (those areas with high proportions of Hispanic immigrants) supported the ability of the older Mexican immigrant to live independently, likely due to ability to immerse within the native language culture.

Additionally, the association between English language use and living arrangements was less significant for the older Mexican immigrant when living within an ethnic enclave (Burr and Mutchler). Shihadeh and Barranco (2010) report on the association between violent crimes against Latino's and the factors of ethnic isolation. Lack of English language acquisition among Latino immigrants in traditional communities generally was not associated with any notable increases in violent crimes against Latino's, as these ethnic neighbourhoods are considered safe and culturally homogenous.

However, there was a significant increase in violent crimes against Latino's once they moved out of their traditional ethnic neighbourhood enclaves, particularly among those who did not have English Language proficiency (Shehadeh and Barranco). Ethnic neighbourhoods protect the non-English speaking Hispanic immigrant, but the lack of English language acquisition results in poor and oftentimes disastrous consequences when the immigrant moves out of the ethnic enclave. In this respect, the characteristic of the enclave to protect the Hispanic immigrant may ultimately be to their detriment in the larger population.

Haurin and Rosenthal (2009) examined the relationship between ethnic enclaves, language, and Hispanic home ownership. They found that there a decreased rate of homeownership among Hispanics living in ethnic communities in the United States. The investigators note that homeownership among Hispanics tended to increase when there was proximity to a family social network of other homeowners. Additionally, the effect of lack of language acquisition tended to be associated with low rates of home ownership. However, even among non-English proficient Hispanics, the proximity issue tended to even out the results.

The implication is that lack of English language acquisition among Hispanic immigrants is associated with low rates of home ownership, yet proximity to other Hispanic homeowners can mitigate that effect, with local programs aimed at home ownership being recommended (Haurin and Rosenthal). Hwang, Xi, and Cao (2010) studied the relationship between income earnings of Hispanic immigrants to English language use. They hypothesized that earnings would be related to variations in English language use, depending upon the type of language environment.

The results of the study demonstrated that there were a correlation between earnings and language use; earnings decreased in communities where there were ethnic enclaves. Ethnic enclaves tended to protect the native cultural characteristics including language, yet did not increase income earnings (Hwang, Xi and Cao).

Factors in English Language Acquisition (I just used this as a general heading to capture any other "tie" elements along with anything else) Bleakely and Chin (2008) studied the outcomes for second-generation Hispanic immigrants relative to the age of their parents' arrival in the United States.

English language proficiency by parents was associated with positive outcomes for preschool attendance and children's learning of the English language, and low English proficiency was associated with negative outcomes, including increased school dropout rates and scoring below grade level (Bleakley and Chin, What Holds Back the Second Generation? The Intergenerational Transmission of Language Human Capital Among Immigrants).

The effect of English language acquisition among Hispanic children shows that overall low academic scores are noted for those struggling to learn English, and can inappropriately identify some ELL children as learning disabled due to native language use as the primary mode of communication at home (Blatchley and Lau). Hakimzadeh and Cohn (2007) show that second generation Hispanic immigrants (those born in the United States) report English language proficiency; though parents of the second generation group report limited English proficiency.

As English fluency increases across generations, the trend to use English as the primary language also increases. Puerto Rican and South American Hispanic groups report the highest rates of English proficiency, and Mexican immigrants report the lowest rates of English language acquisition. English language use in the home happens more slowly than it does in social settings. In the study, only 7% of foreign born Hispanics report using English at home (Hakimzadeh and Cohn). English language learning by immigrant children in the U.S.

education system may contribute to increased usage of English at home. Proctor et al. (2010) report that English language instruction for Latino's in the school setting tends to be associated the usage of English in the home setting. English language use in the school setting is necessary for academic success, and so of greater importance for the native Spanish-speaking child than for an older immigrant who is not in school.

The study indicated that while English language acquisition among immigrant children increased with English language instruction in school, there was a loss of cultural heritage that the investigators found to be paradoxical to the desirability of people in America to be bilingual, especially in the employment field where knowing two or more languages can mean increased earnings (Proctor, August and Carlo). This may be due to a desire among immigrant children to immerse in the culture, and be related to increased use of the English language at home.

Akresh (2007) reports that the longer a person has been in the United States, the more likely they are to use the English language in all settings. English use at home tends to rise less dramatically among first generation immigrants than it does in the social setting (Akresh). Livert and Otheguy (2010) report that there is an increase in English language use by second generation immigrants as reflected in their use of personal pronoun transference into their native Spanish language, which is normally neutral.

Age of arrival and duration of time in the United States were factors associated with development of English language use, though country of origin was the strongest predictor of pronoun use and eventual development of English language use at home (Livert and Otheguy). Learning another language is difficult. Having to learn the language depends on the need to do so, which relates to whether it is a social or economic imperative.

Also, one will tend to use the language that they are most comfortable with around others using the same language. Meng and Meurs (2009) examine the effects of intermarriage, language, and economic advantage. They find that immigrants who have some skill in the dominant language of the country to which they immigrate tend to intermarry and earn more income (Meng and Meurs). Marrying outside of one's culture may influence language acquisition due to social and economic needs to advance within the adopted culture.

Moua and Lamborn (2010) note that ethnic socialization practices by parents of immigrant adolescents strengthen the ethnic heritage connection between adolescent, parent, and ethnic community. These include native language use, marriage ties, taking part in cultural events, sharing history, and preparing traditional foods (Moua and Lamborn). As noted previously, immigrant parents tend to congregate in ethnic communities, where they are essentially immersed in the ethnic culture. The native language is often the most utilized if not the exclusive language in the home.

However, children are acculturated into the American culture and are taught English language literacy in schools. While immigrant children learn and use English, which increases over time, use of language by immigrant parents is limited by their sense of native ethnic ties to their culture. Oh and Fuligni (2009) studied the effects of adolescents heritage language use and proficiency on the parent/child relationship. The investigators found that the use of language was not as strongly indicative of positive relationships with parents than was proficiency in the heritage language.

The implication is that immigrant parents may wish to see that their children preserve cultural heritage integrity through, at the least, being proficient in the heritage language. The influence of family ties on heritage language preservation would appear to be strong as indicated by the outcomes of this study (Oh and Fuligni). Bacallao and Smokowski (2006) examined the ways in which Mexican family structure changed after immigration into the United States. They surveyed adolescents and adults from 10 undocumented Mexican families.

Adolescents helped parents assimilate into American culture, and parents helped children attempt to stay grounded by promoting familial ties. However, jobs took parents away from the children, which resulted in risk-taking behaviour by the adolescents and conflict between parents and children. Additionally, to counteract the negative impacts of immigration, Mexican immigrant parents tended to become more authoritarian. Language is at the heart of any culture. Language defines the ties that bind families and communities together.

As immigrants arrive to a new country, the adults tend to rely more heavily on their heritage culture, while the children attempt to assimilate into the adopted culture. The study indicated that while conflicts arise from immigration issues, families can stay strengthened through a mutual bi-directional relationship between parent and child, with one helping the other. For English language acquisition, the implication is that the Mexican adolescent 'helps' the parent by guiding them through an acculturation process (Bacallao and Smokowski).

Schwartz (2008) examined the relationship between the family domain and language preservation of immigrant families. The role of family language policies was assessed in relation to preserving the heritage language of the family. Results showed that literacy in heritage language was a primary immigrant family policy, and that non-linguistic factors such as social and demographic variables were positively associated with preserving the heritage language of immigrants. The study also found that heritage language and adopted language were of mixed use in the home setting (Schwartz).

This study supports previous research that shows the preservation of heritage language is related to social factors such as ethnic enclaves. Park and Sarkar (2007) examined the role of immigrant parent's attitudes toward preserving the heritage language for their children, even while the children were immersed in the adopted culture, such as the education system.

The investigators found that immigrant parents tended to want their children to maintain their heritage language, as they thought it not only gave them an economic advantage (bilingualism being desired by employers) but also that it maintained the heritage culture of the child and brought them closer to their parents and grandparents through shared cultural attributes (Park and Sarkar). Nesteruk (2010) reviewed the nature of immigrant parental attitudes toward heritage language preservation in their families.

Immigrant parents tended to want their children to have proficiency in the heritage language if not outright fluency. Parents used the heritage language more at home, with some mixed-use of English, which was dependent upon cultural assimilation issues such as proximity to ethnic enclaves, and social issues of employment and education. Immigrant parents perceived that societal forces among their children were causing a loss of use of the heritage language in favour of using the English language (Nesteruk).

English language acquisition by second generation immigrant children encounters a strong social force in the educational system of the United States. ELL's (English Language Learners) and TESOL efforts (Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages) have underlying factors which influence the acquisition and use of English in the schools by immigrant children whose first language is not English (Blatchley and Lau). Suarez (2007) states that most ELL's are born in the United States, yet familial tie issues interfere with the acquisition of English in the school and social system.

Parent's wish to have their children speak the heritage language at home. Children do use mixed-language at home, yet follow the family trends. Immigrant parents may not be well-schooled and may have some fear about acculturation, which is reinforced through living in ethnic enclaves and persistent use of the heritage language in family situations (Suarez). Zhang (2004) reports that the persistence of using the heritage language at home depends largely upon the parental involvement aspect.

While immigrant parents tend to use their heritage language at home, they realize that the eventual use of English is inevitable, and so may feel pressured to preserve the native language among their children (Zhang). Ishizawah (2004) finds that the trend to not acquire English in immigrant households is strongly influenced by the presence of multi-generational family relations living in the same household. Families which had three generations in the same household tended to display more native language use (heritage language) by children in the household.

The presence of grandparents was a significant factor in use of the heritage language by children in the same household (Ishizawah). Hurtado and Vega (2004) utilized data from the National Chicano Survey and the California Identity Project to examine the role of the language shift from Spanish to English among Latino immigrants. The findings suggest that over time, there is a shift from using the heritage language to using the English language, yet familial ties persist which result in linguistic bands, where bilingualism of Spanish and English results (Hurtado and Vega).

Guardado (2002) examines the factors involved in heritage language use in Hispanic immigrant family homes. Using a survey questionnaire, the study results showed that heritage language use in the home was strongly influenced by the attitudes of the parents in maintaining or preserving the cultural language.

While outside societal forces were impacting the development of the second language in a positive manner (increased learning and use of second language), the impact of family forces upon the use of the heritage language in the home could either facilitate or lead to a decline of heritage language use in the home (Guardada). Portes and Hao (2002) report on an acculturation model that looks at issues of self-esteem, language acquisition type, and family dynamics.

The investigators posit that selective acculturation processes may be a preferable linguisitic assimilation dynamic for immigrant families. While full linguistic assimilation is often the outcome of immigrant families language acquisition, the authors note that the level of fluency in bilingualism can explain linguistic assimilation. Linguistic assimilation in this respect represents selective acculturation. To describe the model, the authors discuss different degrees of fluency and the association to family relations and gender differences.

They find that there is a breadth of linguistic adaptation types, and that becoming bilingually fluent is the preferred type. Other findings indicate that fluent bilinguals have more self-esteem and ambition, and less with parents, than other language types (Portes and Hao). Pease-Alvarez (2002) notes that language acquisition among immigrant families is often dependent upon family dynamics, specifically factors relating to the social and personal sphere of family processes (Pease-Alvarez). Romero et al. (2004) make an interesting association between close family ties, education level, and bilingualism.

Second generation immigrants who have higher educational achievement have closer family ties than those children with low familism; additionally, children that are bilingual in Spanish and English have higher levels of educational attainment and closer family ties than children that speak only Spanish (Romero). Close family ties would seem to help preserve heritage language, though the research suggests that full linguistic acquisition is an often highly preferred outcome for immigrant families.

It should be noted that the role of family ties in English language acquisition, as indicated by the literature review, points to the interaction of various factors in linguistic acquisition. The role of the ethnic enclave as a variable is associated with slower and longer periods of acquiring the English language. The enclave serves as a haven of sorts, where the individual and/or family can still operate within a cultural framework that resembles their heritage culture.

There is no strong impetus to use the English language in an enclave where the heritage language is the spoken language of choice. Tse (2001) notes that use of the heritage language is a function of the vitality of the language, as well as the literacy environment. This suggests that the use of the heritage language depends upon the strength of the usage of the language as well as the societal choice of the language used for commerce, education, and other social functions (Tse).

The role of family ties in English language acquisition points to the parental role in preservation of the heritage language in the home and the nature of the family structure. Families that are loosely structured and in which children are at conflict with parents show a tendency by the children to acquire English faster and use English more in the home (Bacallao and Smokowski). Families that have close-knit structures and have more than two generations living under the same roof tend to preserve the heritage language among younger generations (Ishizawah).

Families of lower economic and educational status tend to acquire English language use in the home slower than families of higher economic and higher educational attainment (Hakimzadeh and Cohn). The role of societal forces upon immigrants in English language acquisition refers to the economic, social, and educational spheres of influence. The American education system has programs in schools throughout the nation, to help English Language Learners attain English proficiency in reading, writing, and verbal fluency (Echevarria, Short and Powers).

Learning the English language is often a function of economic imperative; in order to work in the United States it may be essential to have a command of the English language (Orrenius and Zavodny). Harari, Davis, and Heisler (2009) reflect that immigrants to the United States tend to have decreased access to healthcare, and that in order for immigrants to access other crucial.