Media Influence and the Political

Media Influence and the Political World

The work of Croteau and Hoynes (2003) entitled: "Media Society: Industries, Images and Audiences" states that if one is to better understand media then it is important to understand "the political environment in which they operate. This becomes obvious when we consider the drastic differences between media in a democratic society and those in totalitarian nations." However, it is the position of the writer of this work that even in democratic societies media influence may be characterized by the promotion of a "narrow set of government-sanctioned images and messages." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

When such as this occurs in a democracy then the audiences in the democratic nation, just as those in other nations must become "...adept at reading between the lines." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) Croteau and Hoynes note in some democratic societies "the media are largely controlled by a relatively small group of powerful interests -- commercial corporations. In those cases, it is corporate domination of media, rather than government control, that is of most concern." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

I. Politics and Media: A Mutual Impact

Croteau and Hoynes write that political forces and most especially regulations of the government play a role that is significant in "shaping the environment within which media organizations operate." (2003) In fact, even where federal laws make a requirement or alternatively prohibit certain actions "the constraints of government regulation do not determine what media organizations will do. Instead, the media sometimes ignore, reinterpret, challenge or preempt regulation." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

II. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC)

The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is reported as being historically a "firm enforcer, in large part because of the complexities of its relationship to the U.S. Congress and to the media industries it is supposed to regulate." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) Resulting is that regulations concerning communications and in this case, media broadcasts are often ignored due to the lack of consequences for having committed the violation. Additionally complicating the matter is that government regulations are "almost always subject to interpretation, giving media organizations the power to read regulations in ways that match their broader agendas." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

Croteau (nd) reports that the 1996 Telecommunications Act eased restrictions on media ownership and this has lead to more concentrated patterns of ownership. The following table lists the previous rules as compared to the new rule changes that occurred in 1996.

Figure 1

Select Ownership Rules Changes in the 1996 Telecommunications Act

Source: Croteau (nd)

Croteau and Hoynes writes that Saturday morning broadcasting, is governed under a 2001 FCC rule that noncommercial stations "are required to use their digital capacities primarily for noncommercial educational programming." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) Naturally public broadcasting media were satisfied with this ruling as this lessened the competition however, the FCC failed to define precisely what constitutes educational programming resulting in cartoons such as "The Flintstones and The Jetsons" being included in educational programming. (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003, paraphrased)

However, it must be understood that when the government sincerely desires the enforcement of regulations and laws governed under the FCC it is "quite adept at controlling the content of news reports..." through regulating access to information. One such case was that of the Persian Gulf War in which there is stated to have been "little need for more direct censorship because the government had a near monopoly on the strategic resource -- information that news organizations required." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

It was however reported that "A handful of enterprising journalists ignored military restrictions in an effort to gather independent information, and a group of alternative publications took legal action against the Pentagon for restricting access so tightly." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) This is suggestive of a third venue that media organizations can take in pursuing the change constraints of regulation of media by the government. If, the resources are available for the media organization who wants to challenge the government regulations or have them rescinded completely the media "can adopt a legal strategy, challenging the constitutionality of specific regulations, or they can use a political strategy, lobbying potentially supportive politicians and threatening opponents in an effort to win new legislation more to the liking of their industry." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) Media industries may also "preempt external regulation by engaging in a public form of self-regulation." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

Voluntary adoption of program ratings is a strategy used by television broadcasting networks that provide "age-appropriate and content ratings for television programs. Croteau and Hoynes state that media organizations "ultimately...do not fully determine the actions of media professionals and neither are they compliant in the face of political constraints. In both cases, media personnel are active agents, making decisions and pursuing strategies within particular economic and political frameworks." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

Croteau and Hoynes relate that sociologist Howard Becker (1982) stated "producing art requires elaborate cooperation among specialized personnel." (2003) The same can be said about "the production of media content" according to Croteau and Hoynes who hold that whether the discussion is surrounding films, books, music, magazines, radio, newspapers or television, "the production and distribution of the message." It has been argued by some that "...the behavior of media personnel is shaped by the 'needs' of an organization. In other words, maintaining the existence of an organization points different individuals within that organization in the same direction." (2003)

The problem is how is it that one would go about assessing that which the organization needs in order to sustain itself? Stated to be another way that one might account for the "collaboration of media workers is to suggest that they must negotiate the terms of their cooperation before each new endeavor. This approach emphasizes the capacity for independent action, but it ignores the constraints under which media personnel labor." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

Becker (1982) speaks of the historical, traditional, and conventional methods and processes, and procedures by which that which is deemed both appropriate and acceptable these become known as a practice of technique and commonly referred to as a 'convention' because it is "widely used in a field." Identification of something as conventional is stated to be much "easier to identify...than it is to explain the source and meaning of the conventions that govern news reporting, pop music, or advertising." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) Conventions are stated to be found "in all spheres of media..." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

III. Defining "News"

In order to fully examine the impact or influence of politics upon media and of media upon the shaping of politics it is necessary to ask the question of just what is 'news'? Croteau and Hoynes states that the individual generally does not ask this question very often as the answer "seems self-evident: News is information about recent important events." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) The definition of news is not generally explored as this question is left to the professional journalists to answer and the result is "we rely no journalists to make judgments about what is or is not important, or newsworthy, and to provide us with factual accounts about these newsworthy events." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003) In order to better understand what really constitutes the 'news' it is necessary to understand how journalists form their judgments and construct their accounts." (Croteau and Hoynes, 2003)

Croteau (nd) writes that the Select Media and Telecommunications PAC Contributions to Federal Candidates 1999-2000 were as shown in the following table.

Figure 1

Select Media and Telecommunications PAC Contributions to Federal Candidates (1999-2000)

Source: Croteau (nd)

The work of Shanthi Kalathil (2002) entitled "Chinese Media and the Information Revolution" relates the story of a small tin mine in Guangxi province that flooded in July of 2001 and many miners were trapped and lost their lives. Kalathil states "What followed became emblematic of a growing trend in China. Amplified by the information revolution, the story itself became the story. Neighborhood media outlets, cowed into silence by local authorities' intent on covering up casualties, e-mailed their version of events to regional journalists, who scrambled to the city to investigate. Subsequently, regional papers began to report on hundreds dead and missing, even while the official Xinhua news agency remained silent. Those reports were circulated by Chinese Internet users and web portals, allowing the story to spread nationally, until even the venerated and politically correct People's Daily followed up on the story. The central government ultimately felt compelled to send an investigative team, resulting in the mine owner's arrest." (Beach, 2001 in: Kalathil, 2001)

According to Kalathil the Chinese media has undergone a transformation from the time when it "...functioned strictly as an ideological Party mouthpiece and government cheerleader. At the same time, its evolutionary trajectory remains unclear. No longer simply part of the propaganda apparatus, the country's media is still far from functioning as an impartial observer and commentator. Amidst the economic and political aftershocks of WTO membership, the country's media sector is struggling to reflect and keep pace with the changes sweeping the country." (2001)

Kalathil states that the state has been both "empowered and weakened..." By the recent information and communication advances and as well these have created great difficulty for the effective hoarding of control information resources by the government. (2001) As the government in China has lost its monopoly on information, Internet-based media in the country "have capitalized on the opportunities made possible by new technology. By making available a wide range of news stories from geographically diverse locations, for instance, Chinese web portals have been encouraging competition between news organizations. This competition means that small, local news organizations are increasingly pushing the boundaries of acceptable reportage, pressuring larger national organizations to follow. News often appears on the Internet either exclusively or before traditional media outlets can publish it. Even stodgy, official media organs such as the People's Daily view their web sites not merely as an extension of the newspaper, but as separate entities with their own corporate culture and often a more progressive mode of operation. " (Kalathil, 2001)

Kalathil writes that a 2000 survey "...conducted by China Market and Media Research examined media consumption in 20 cities, and found that an average of 12.3% of urban residents were using the Internet. Yet a majority of those polled still read newspapers and watched television to get their news. Data obtained from the China National Readership Survey in 2000 shows that television achieved a penetration rate of almost 100% in the 30 cities polled. Meanwhile, Internet penetration is growing at a fast pace. China's official Internet Network Information Center estimated the country's Internet users hit 33.7 million at the end of 2001, although outside observers argue that this estimate is inflated." (Kalathil, 2001)

Kalathil additionally states that under the rule of Mao and his totalitarian regime the function of the media was "...to serve the state and impose ideological hegemony. His regime was characterized by vertical control of communication, exemplified by a top-down media system that acted as a conduit carrying Party thought to the masses. This was complemented by a telecommunications system that was accessible only to elites." (2001)

According to Kalathil, some of the most interesting of developments in regards to media have been those that have occurred "on new commercial web portals, which inject some...formerly taboo issues" i9ncluding such as homosexuality and environmental pollution into mainstream public debate in China. Those in the West who advocate for freedom of expression state that these developments are "a sign that the information revolution has catalyzed an irreversible stream of politicized thought that, once unleashed, will inevitably lead to demands for political liberalization. Others argue that the Internet and other new technology help create a chaotic space filled with apolitical content and atomized individuals, a space that ultimately will not contribute to the formation of an independent civil society." (2001) However, Kalathil states that it is "...more likely, however, that the government is allowing the Internet to be used as a pressure valve, preemptively allowing the broadening of acceptable discourse in order to prevent a buildup of mass frustration. While still ambivalent about open political debate, the Chinese government appears to be tacitly encouraging a degree of public throat-clearing in the relatively controlled environment of Internet chat rooms rather than in areas outside relative openness are often followed by periods of retrenchment, and it may be that recent media restrictions, such as the "Seven No's," represent part of such a process. With a change in leadership looming, the future direction of media sector reform is up in the air. What seems certain is that the government will continue its attempts to ensure that the information revolution empowers the media to serve state interests." (Kalathil, 2001)

The work of Smith (2004) entitled: "The Influence of Media In Presidential Politics" states that John Kerry, Democratic forerunner in the 2004 Presidential Election "...answered questions like, "Were you cool in college?" On MTV's "Choose or Lose." President George W. Bush defended his military record to Tim Russert on "Meet the Press." Former Democratic hopeful Howard Dean and his wife sat on the couch across from Diane Sawyer and discussed Dean's allegedly hot temper on "Primetime." Presidential elections are characterized by the media "...vying for viewers, readers and advertising dollars over the next six months with the same vigor with which the candidates will vie for votes. As they land exclusive interviews and promote their pundits, the media may make it seem like they themselves are the big story." (Smith, 2004) The citizen's challenge is to be "more than an audience member." (Smith, 2004)

According to Dr. Roderick Hart, professor of University of Texas College of Communications states that politics and the media "have long walked hand in hand. The media have always played a powerful role in politics. Even before radio, we had the penny press. There'd be great wars between various newspapers about politics. So even back then, the media were important." (Smith, 2004)

Hart states that the radio was used in the 1930s and 40s "when Franklin Roosevelt instituted his fireside chats. Soon the president and presidential candidates alike were addressing citizens in a conversational manner. Before that, radio had brought us that kind of tinny voiced speech making, but with (Franklin D.) Roosevelt and later a bit with (Harry S.) Truman, a bit more with (Dwight D.) Eisenhower and certainly with (John F.) Kennedy, suddenly we had changed. Radio is really undervalued as something that really changed American politics in the direction of asking, 'What are these guys like as people?'" (Smith, 2004)

This question has become an important one in the modern political environment as the "public's perception of a politician's personality has been driving voting choices for decades. And shaping and communicating personality are perfectly suited for the medium of television. The most common image on television is a close up of the human face. Television is not only a mass distribution channel, but it's also a distribution of intimacy. That's changed the way people have to campaign." (Smith, 2004)

Smith (2004) states that the dangers of politics in an age of media is that the media "...can give importance to things that in reality have little significance. And sometimes the stories that become big stories become so out of convenience rather than out of impact." Dr. Stephen Reese, professor in the School of Journalism at the University of Texas states that the media "...in the era of 24-hour satellite news channels, they need something that fills up the time. Rather than go out and do investigative reporting, they pick up the story of the day and load up on that. It creates a cycle of focus that tends to drive off important stories." (Smith, 2004)

Smith writes that during the presidential election campaign that television "...offers many things to the voter during the election year. It televises the presidential debates, which are a critical means for educating the public about the candidates. It often does supply in-depth coverage of important issues. And it brings the political process into the day-to-day. Televisions air CNN in airports. News briefs update viewers between evening sitcoms. Viewers may tire of the election coverage, but they're unlikely to avoid it." (2001)

It is important to understand that in today's world the Internet "...is also tempering the influence of the traditional media. As a campaign tool, the Internet is still relatively new and untested, though the 2004 election may change that. Campaigns have come to treasure their e-mail lists and the Internet has become an important means of raising campaign funds. The Dean campaign used the Internet as a grassroots organizing tool. And groups like MoveOn.org create online networks of activists and politically minded citizens." (Smith, 2001) However, stated as one of the most important functions of the Internet in today's political environment is providing the "...the individual voter the means to become informed." (Smith, 2001)

The work of Hardcastle (2009) entitled: "Do Mass Media Influence the Political Behavior of Citizens" states that a "....harsh and seemingly ever-growing debate has appeared, concerning how mass media distorts the political agenda. Few would argue with the notion that the institutions of the mass media are important to contemporary politics. In the transition to liberal democratic politics in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe the media was a key battleground. In the West, elections increasingly focus around television, with the emphasis on spin and marketing. Democratic politics places emphasis on the mass media as a site for democratic demand and the formation of "public opinion." The media are seen to empower citizens, and subject government to restraint and redress. Yet the media are not just neutral observers but are political actors themselves." (Hardcastle, 2009)