Latino college student persistence and academic success

¶ … Latinos -- Introduction

It is widely understood that that Latino community is the fastest growing ethnic / cultural group in the United States. According to the U.S. Census data, California is among the states with fast rising numbers of Hispanics (most often alluded to in this paper as Latinos). As of 2006 in Los Angeles County Latinos comprise 47.3% of the population (www.census.gov) (U.S. Census); in Orange County Latinos comprise 32.9% of the population (U.S. Census). In other counties the percentages are startling, especially for those who are unaware of the rapid growth of Latinos. Kern County, close to Los Angeles, is 45.2% Latino; Monterey County (near the Bay Area) is 51.5% Latino; Riverside County is 42.2% Latino; San Bernardino County is 46% Latino; and San Diego County is 30.1% Latino (U.S. Census).

The Migration Policy Institute (MPI) asserts that as of 2008, Mexican-born immigrants accounted for 30.1% of all foreign born individuals living in the U.S., "…by far the largest immigrant group" in the U.S. (Terrazas, et al., 2009, p. 13) (www.migrationinformation.org). Moreover, in 2008 (Terrazas, 2009) 46.9% of the 38 million foreign born living in the U.S. reported that they were Hispanic or of Latino heritage. And as to the 46.9 million people living in the U.S. In 2008 that identified themselves as "having Latino or Hispanic ancestry, nearly two-thirds (63.0%) were native-born U.S. citizens" (Terrazas, 2009, p. 13); the remaining 38.0% of Latinos were immigrants (not born in the U.S.) (Terrazas, 2009, p. 13).

In 2008, there were 11.4 million foreign born from Mexico living in the U.S. And they are "overwhelmingly concentrated in the West and Southwest" (Terrazas, 2009, p. 13). To wit, 37.3% of the Mexican immigrants live in California; 21% live in Texas; and the remainder of foreign-born Mexicans live in Illinois (6.3%), Arizona (5.4%), and Georgia (2.5%), according to Terrazas on page 13.

There are many more categories of data that show the impact of Latino populations on the U.S. economy and on urban growth dynamics, but suffice it to say, the Latino community (which is not truly a "race" or an "ethnic group" and certainly is not homogenous) is a substantial group and educators are challenged every day to provide a good educational foundation -- for all students, including Latino youth -- in as many instances as they can. For Latinos to have a fair shot at the so-called American Dream, and for Latinos to gain the skills and the savvy to compete first in colleges and universities, and later in the workplace, the starting point is K-12 classrooms -- with (hopefully) competent, enthusiastic teachers -- and where there are stumbling blocks or problems, the helpful counselor's office should be well-poised to help.

A Current Issue: Dropout Rate

Moreover, due to recent legislative efforts (in particular, Arizona) that are designed to punish those Latinos in the U.S. without legal papers, a pall of unfairness and cultural bias is cast over the community like a shadow from a cloud that blocks out the sun for as far as one can see. This shadow may create militant resistance within the community, and young Latinos may fear they are growing up in a society that questions their legitimacy.

Those young Latinos that are on the fringe of the dropout milieu can and do experience impatience and confusion with reference to completing their education. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (http://nces.ed.gov) (NCES) -- a division of the U.S. Department of Education -- in the year 1980 the dropout rate for "Hispanic" youth ages 16-24 was 35.2%. That same 1980 NCES data shows the dropout rate for Caucasian youth the same age (11.4%) and for African-American youth (19.1%). A few years later, in 2001, the Latino youth dropout rate was reduced to 27% of those in school and by 2007 the rate had shrunk to 21.4% of those Latinos in high school (compared with 8.4% dropping out in the Black community and 5.3% of Caucasian youth dropping out), according to data provided by NCES.

Latino vs. Hispanic -- which is correct and why?

Which is the proper term for students of Mexican heritage, or Puerto Rican heritage, or say from Guatemala? When a counselor is working with a Spanish-speaking young man from Panama, is that boy Hispanic or Latino? According to Rivera-Barnes -- writing in Latino Education in the U.S., circa 2007 -- the word "Hispanic" literally translated means that the person came from Espana (Spain). But the ties between Spain and Mexico were "severed long ago" and yet the word "Hispanic" has lingered on for years (Rivera-Barnes, 2007, p. 281). Rivera-Barns (who calls the word "Hispanic" a "warped word adopted by gray, naive bureaucrats whose only concern was counting Hispanics") clearly finds the word "Hispanic" offensive (2007, p. 281).

Hispanic became a label that was "preferred" on Madison Avenue, in boardrooms, on "Capitol Hill press conferences" and "newsrooms across the nation" (Rivera-Barnes, 2007, p. 281). Rivera-Barnes mentions Latina writer Sandra Cisneros who calls the "H word" a "repulsive slave name" (2007, p. 281). And even though using "Latino" can be thought of as "grouping several ethnic or social groups and national origins as a single entity" she believes it "could very well be the right word" (Rivera-Barnes, 2007, p. 281). It could be the right word for this culture because it "refers to a specific yet changing reality," Rivera-Barnes explains, and indeed the changing reality in the U.S. is that Latinos are not only the fastest growing culture in the U.S., they soon will be a majority culture in states like California (2007, p. 281). The point of using Latino is that many young people and others of Latin descent prefer Latino to Hispanic, just as in the 1960s and 1970s Latinos preferred "Chicano" to "Mexican-American."

Substance-Using Latino Youth -- Edward Cannon, et al.

Professionals in schools (including counselors) must be fully cognizant of the social and personal problems that Latino students are up against, and one of those issues is substance abuse. According to a scholarly article (Cannon, et al., 2008, p. 199) some 16.4% of Latino youths aged 12-17 use alcohol on a regular basis. Referencing that same age group, the article asserts that 10.8% of Latino youths use drugs (marijuana, prescription pain relievers, hallucinogens and cocaine) (Cannon, 2008, p. 199). An even more disturbing statistic is that in 2003, there were 28 reported cases of AIDS per 100,000 Latinos (compared with 7.9% per 100,000 Caucasians) (Cannon, p. 200). Moreover, the data provided in this article suggests that Latino youth born in the U.S. "have a higher incidence of alcohol and substance use" than Latinos born outside of the U.S. (this suggests that those Latinos born in the U.S. have become acculturated, which is logical and not surprising) (Cannon, 2008, p. 200).

Perceptions from Latino College Students -- Luti Vela-Gude, et al.

An article in the journal Professional School Counseling relates to the frustration that present-day Latino college students experienced as high school students. The authors note that while 67% of "Anglo students pursue higher education, only 43% of Latino students enroll in some form of postsecondary education" (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 272). And for those Latinos in college who were surveyed for this article, many felt that school personnel (counselors included) in high school "had low expectations of them" (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 272). Many Latino college students reported being told they "would not graduate from high school" and that they were actually "facilitated out of the education system" (e.g., encouraged to pursue a GED rather than finishing high school) (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 272).

For example, a student interviewed by Luti Vela-Gude said she asked permission to go to the library to complete an application for a scholarship; the teacher "indicated that it was a waste of my time," (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 272) she said. In further studies, Vela-Gude found that teachers and counselors "did not have time to guide and mentor Latino students who wanted to pursue higher education" (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 272). Given the data accumulated through this article -- fifty-seven Latino students were surveyed and "none…mentioned teachers as providing support" -- it is vital for K-12 schools to "provide Latino students with the information and preparation they need to put them in a position to be able to access higher education" (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 273).

Several important actions are required of school counselors when advising Latino students, according to the article. One, the American School Counselor Association has a framework to use in helping Latino students through: a) guidance curricula; b) individual student planning; c) "responsive services"; and d) "systems support" (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 273). Classroom presentations are always effective in giving students college information, the authors report. Also, in order to "counteract the negative impact of curriculum tracking based on perceived ability levels, Latino students should be encouraged and advised to enroll in challenging coursework" (Vela-Gude, 2009, p. 273). Moreover, because "many Latino students suffer from depression and low self-esteem, counseling services must be readily available," Vela-Gude asserts (2009, p. 273).

And Vela-Gude's article offers several of the main points of this paper's research; the services must be ready, and the counselors must be thoroughly informed and knowledgeable about the cultural implications as well as the academic realities facing those Latino students (2009).

Racism Against Latinos

This paper alludes to the high number of Latinos in California and Texas, but according to the Southern Poverty Law Center's research, the South is home to one of the "fastest growing populations of Latinos in the country" (Bauer, et al., 2009, p. 4). But though the typical Latino immigrant comes to the South to escape "crushing poverty in their home countries" they often encounter "…widespread hostility, discrimination and exploitation" (Bauer, 2009, p. 4).

What kinds of discrimination do Latinos come up against in the South? Mary Bauer and her chief researcher, Sarah Reynolds, claim that Latinos are "…routinely cheated out of their earnings and denied basic health and safety protection" (p. 4). On a regular basis, they are the victims of "racial profiling and harassment by law enforcement" and are "victimized by criminals who know they are reluctant to report attacks" (Bauer, 2009, p. 4).

What makes the situation worse for Latino immigrants in the South, according to Bauer, is that state and local governments in the South "…have exacerbated the situation" by passing laws and ordinances "designed to limit services to undocumented immigrants" in order to "make their lives as difficult as possible, with the ultimate goal of driving them away" (p. 4).

In the past few years about 1.6 Latinos have immigrated to Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee, Bauer explains. They provide cheap labor; they help build skyscrapers in Charlotte, harvest onions in Georgia, they slaughter poultry in Alabama and also help rebuild New Orleans following Katrina. Many of course did enter the U.S. illegally, though others came under the "guestworker" program that is sponsored by employers (Bauer, 2009, p. 5).

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) surveyed 500 "low-income" Latinos at five different locations in the South. The research by the SPLC found many of those 500 participants "…under siege and living in fear -- fear of the police, fear of the government and fear of criminals who prey on immigrants" due to their vulnerable situations. The survey revealed some startling facts, among those the fact that 41% of the 500 individuals "had experienced wage theft where they were not paid for work performed" (Bauer, 2009, p. 6). Among those immigrants who were surveyed in New Orleans, a stunning 80% reported they had not been paid for work performed, Bauer pointed out. "When we weren't paid, we didn't even have money for food," said Sergio de Leon, whose job it was to clean toxic mud and mold from St. Bernard Parish schools in New Orleans. The SPLC sued the company that hired de Leon (LVI environmental Services of New Orleans) and a settlement was reached, Bauer wrote (p. 7).

Another 80% of respondents did not know there were government agencies (like the Department of Labor) that will investigate fraud on the part of employers. Thirty-two percent of the Latinos surveyed being injured on the job; of those injured, just 37% reported that they had been treated medically for their injuries (Bauer, 2009, p. 6).

Internalized Racism and Latinos

A research paper published in the Texas Hispanic Journal of Law (Padilla, 2001) references the fact that terrible racists acts have been part of the dark history for Latinos in the U.S. And that those acts are internalized and passed down from generation to generation. After the Mexican-American War ended in 1848, Padilla explains, folks of Mexican origin face "lynchings, land theft, and virulent racism… [and others] were deported en masse…" (p. 3). The racism by Caucasians against Latinos unfortunately also caused many Latinos to believe "…that whiter is better…the desirability of whiteness represents the internalization by the colonized of the colonizers' predilections" (Padilla, 2001, p. 3).

Journal of School Health -- Carolyn Garcia, et al., 2008

Meanwhile, compelling and salient reasons for focusing on this aspect of the Latino community include: a) Latino youth experience "disproportionate rates of mental health problems" (Garcia, et al., 2008, p. 487) including depression and suicide; b) the fact that Latino youth account for almost 30% of the total Latino population in the U.S.; and c) the dropout rate for Latino youth is unacceptably high, especially in comparison to other cultural groups (Garcia, 2008).

Garcia asserts (2008, p. 487) that 1 in 5 Latino high school students had suicidal thoughts in 2009; of those, ninth grade girls are said to be most prone to consider taking their own lives. According to Garcia's data, between 30% and 40% of Latino girls in 9th grade "reported suicidal thoughts" and between 14% and 19% of those same females actually "attempted suicide" in 2008 (Garcia, 2008, p. 487). More than that, Latino youth "experience disproportionate rates of health problems including mental health problems" -- and these barriers to optimal mental and physical health are due to "economic, social, and political realities in their lives" (Garcia, 2008, p. 487

Due to these above-mentioned concerns it behooves counselors, teachers, parents, healthcare providers and other adults who are community leaders to be aware of these issues within the Latino youth community. How can a Latino boy get to and through college if he is laden with This is not to say that counselors should always be psychologists or social scientists, nor should a counselor try to go into other fields just to help youth. but, as this paper will point out, counselors are obligated to be acutely aware of problems that their students face, and counselors should be alert to clues that youths offer without knowing they are offering them -- clues to their stress levels, their outside pressures, their mental and physical health -- so that the information can be passed on to the appropriate professionals.

According to Garcia (2008, p. 295), the counselor can help "build family protective factors and promote mental health among Latino youth" by making it possible for interventions that provide "direct support to both students and parents." And if parents are not available, the counselor can still intervene with the Latino student and in the process "promote youth connectedness with extended family members, recognizing the protective roles that strong relationships with extended family members can offer" (Garcia, 2008, p. 295). Indeed, for those Latino youth who report that they have limited amounts of "communication, caring, or connectedness with parents," school counselors and other school professionals "might offer structured mentoring programming" to give those Latino students the support they need, to help them remain accountable to themselves for their future, Garcia (2008) continues on page 295.

"Consistent with Latino cultural values, it is vital that schools offer support and education for parents" who can be available and who are willing to work with their children, Garcia explains (2008, p. 296). If it takes creative "and concerted efforts" to engage those Latino parents -- "historically a hard-to-reach population" -- then that kind of outreach by the counselor is exactly what is needed (Garcia, 2008, p. 296). Interestingly, Garcia (2008, p. 296) mentions that the odds of a Latino youth committing suicide is "10 times greater" for those students who are "unable to speak with parents about their problems compared to students who affirm they are able to communicate with a parent much of the time."

Embracing the Positive through Counseling Psychology

Certainly there are serious concerns about the myriad stressors that Latino youth go through, writes Nick Anthony Barneclo in his 180-page dissertation for a Doctor of Philosophy (New Mexico State University). For example, 70% of Latinos in one survey were prevented from seeking healthcare services due to language problems, and the Surgeon General's Report reflects the fact that "Mexican-Americans are at high risk for mental health problems as a result of socioeconomic and health barriers" (Barneclo, 2008, p. 3). Moreover, the author asserts that Latino-student-to-teacher radios are the worst of any minority group (64:1).

The Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU) presents further data on the subject of Latino instructors vs. Latino students: Of full-time instructional faculty in universities and colleges in 2005, "…4.3% were Hispanic," the HACU writes, while "10.9% of all students in higher education in the U.S." are of Latino heritage (www.hacu.net). Gathering their data from the U.S. Census, the HACU explains that as of 2004, 4.2% of "all public school teachers at the elementary -- and secondary-school level were Hispanic." Contrast that fact with the fact that 18.6% of public school students in 2005 were in fact of Latino ancestry.

The HACU does put forward the fact that 4.6% of all college presidents in 2006 were Latino -- up from 2.2% in 1986 (www.hacu.net). And further, HACU explains that of all Latinos in the U.S. that are 25 years of age or older, "22.8% have less than a 9th grade education (vs. 2.9% for non-Latino Caucasians).

What is an "Hispanic-Serving Institution" (HSI)?

According to the AEI report (Kelly, 2010, p. 10), Title V of the Higher Education Act refers to colleges and universities in which the Latino population of students is 25% or more as "Hispanic-serving Institutions." These schools received the HSI designation not because they are doing anything special to serve Latino students, but rather simply because enrollment reflects a quarter or more of Latino students, Kelly explains. The HSI schools in the United States made up about 10% of all post-secondary schools in 2004 and those 10% of all colleges and universities present upward of 40% of all two-year and four-year degrees earned by Latino students in the U.S. (Kelly, 2010, p. 10).

The AEI report breaks down the HSI schools according to their competitive rankings; of the 55 colleges and universities that fell into HSI ranks at the time this report was published, about eight (15%) were "noncompetitive" (Kelly, 2010, p. 11). Fifteen schools (27%) were in the "less competitive" category; twenty-nine (53%) fell into the "competitive" category; only two were listed as "very competitive" and just one (Occidental College) was ranked as a "most competitive" school (Kelly, 2010, p. 11). The authors of the report note that when the data are carefully examined, the less selective schools (noncompetitive and less competitive, for example) graduate Latino students "…at roughly the same rate as non-HSIs with similar admissions criteria" (Kelly, 2010, p. 11).

Moreover, because the rate of graduation for Caucasian students in HSI colleges and universities is below average, there are "…smaller gaps between their Hispanic and white graduation rates at each level of selectivity," Kelly points out. Hence, while it might be tempting to suggest that HSIs are "narrowing the completion gap, it is the poor performance of white students at HSIs rather than higher completion rates among Hispanic students that explains this pattern" (Kelly, 2010, p. 11).

Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU)

Earlier this year, the president of the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU), Antonio R. Flores met in Washington with representatives of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). The purpose of Flores' meeting with Randi Weingarten, national president of the AFT, was to make a bold move toward creating a national campaign "…to double the number of qualified Hispanic teachers working in the nation's schools by 2015" (www.hacu.net).

Flores was quoted saying, "It is crucial that we prepare more PK-12 teachers that are culturally and linguistically prepared" to fully address the needs of Hispanic students and English Language Learners" (p. 1). The AFT represents around a million and a half PK-12 teachers, higher education faculty, paraprofessionals, early childhood educators, nurses and healthcare workers as well. A strong partnership between HACU and the AFT could go a long way towards bringing more qualified Latino teachers into the picture (www.hacu.net).

Excelencia in Education -- "Taking Stock: Higher Education and Latinos"

The Excelencia in Education advocacy organization received a grant from the Lumina Foundation for Education to study the current successes and failures vis-a-vis improving the rate of graduation for Latinos in colleges and universities. Prepared by Deborah a. Santiago and Travis Reindl, the report first points out that "…Uniformly, the groups [that were part of the research] indicate the impact of the economic downturn is eroding access and diminishing the limited focus on degree completion that existed" (Santiago, et al., 2009, p. 5). The focus groups and other policy making organizations generally agreed in this research that while sources of funding -- and the amount of funding -- remains critical to the success of Latino students' graduation rates, "…equally important is how resources are used" (Santiago, 2009, p. 5).

Meanwhile, the report concentrated on facts relating to Latinos and education (which may be slightly different that data reported earlier), including facts that rebut the wrongheaded rumor that most Latinos are recent immigrants. To wit, 87% of Latinos enrolled in K-12 education in 2007 were "native-born" -- and "overall" 60% of all Latinos in the U.S. were native-born in 2007 (Santiago, 2009, p. 6). The author plucks facts from the U.S. Census that show that in 2008, some 67% of Latinos between the ages 18-24 had finished high school; also, Census shows that 62% of Latinos that are over 25 years of age had indeed completed high school (Santiago, 2009, p. 6).

Santiago takes issue with the "misperception" that Latinos do not "value education"; the argument goes that if Latinos did indeed value education they wouldn't have "…the lowest educational attainment levels compared to other racial/ethnic groups" (p. 6). However, the author goes on, research conducted by Public Agenda reflected that "…higher education was more highly 'prized and respected' among Hispanic parents than among parents in general" (p. 6).

Also, the respected polling company Pew Hispanic Center surveyed voters during the 2008 presidential campaign, and 93% of Latino voters "…rated education as the most important issue for the campaign" (Santiago, 2009, p. 6). On page 7, Santiago asserts that while HSIs have an important place at the discussion table when it comes to Latinos and college, and the subject of "undocumented students" also has validity as a topic, "…these topics only capture a portion of the current context for Latino participation in higher education."

Moreover, there are data that Santiago believes paint a more complete picture on the canvas of Latino educational issues: a) over 2 million Latinos were enrolled in "degree-granting institutions" in 2007 (that is 11% of all students); b) there were 265 HSIs in 16 different states as of 2007; c) less than 2% of Latino students in higher education are estimated to be undocumented and more than 98% (in 2005) either were native-born, or legal; d) about 75% of undocumented students are from Mexico but the rest are from other countries; e) Latino students are "more likely than other undergraduates" to be first-generation college students; and as first in their family to attend college, the "support systems may be more limited than for others"; f) Latino students are far more likely to attend a community college than a 4-year university or college and it's germane to remember that community colleges "…are often funded at much lower levels than public colleges or universities"; and g) Latino students are more likely to be enrolled part-time; and the research on all students shows that part-timers are less likely to complete the degree on time (Santiago, 2009, p. 7).

There are of course financially-related issues germane to the Latino higher education story, according to Santiago's piece on page 8. To wit, 65% of Latino undergraduates apply for federal loans (about 58% of all undergraduates apply). The Latino undergraduate population receives "lower average financial aid" than all undergraduates ($5,468 for Latinos compared with $5,980 for all undergraduates) but on the other hand Latinos paid lower tuition and student fees than all other undergraduates ($4,510 vs. $5,802) (Santiago, 2009, p. 8).

Spending More Doesn't Assure Better Results in Education

Excelencia in Education engaged in "listening sessions" with two focus groups -- the National Association of Latino Elected Officials (NALEO), and the National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL) -- to gauge opinions and attitudes with reference to Latino college and university dynamics. One of the points of agreement was that spending more money on education for Latinos won't necessarily ensure more success. However, that said, the impact of the recession -- in particular on low income students and first-generation college students -- may force students to "trade down" (go part time, attend lower cost colleges, and/or increase the hours of work to cover the gap in earnings) or even "trade out" (put off going to college) (Santiago, 2009, p. 9).

Both of the groups that Santiago listened to agreed that Latino students "…do not receive sufficient guidance and support as they move from high school to college" and nor do they get the support they require as them transition from community colleges to four-year schools (p. 10). And finally, when it comes to discussions about the cost of education and the economic downturn, in several focus groups students indicated that "…they could get a good education anywhere, if they are motivated," Santiago writes (p. 11). Moreover, many Latino students -- and students of all ethnicities and backgrounds -- prefer to attend a two-year community college first (lower costs are associated with community colleges), Santiago continues on page 11. After the two-year college experience, many Latino students are then willing to borrow money in order to attend a four-year college or university, Santiago explains (p. 11).

Latinos and Community Colleges

Leila Gonzalez Sullivan writes in the Journal of Hispanic Higher Education that certain books stir up controversy and conversation because they address issues in plain-spoken yet provocative ways. The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Friedman is just such a book, Sullivan asserts, because basically Friedman lays out the economic picture of a new world fast changing and requiring "…a focused domestic strategy aimed at upgrading the education of every American, so that he or she will be able to compete for the new jobs in a flat world" (Friedman, 2006, p. 263). A "flat world" in Freidman's view is the way globalization is causing the world to shrink due to technologically advanced tools -- the Internet and all the components associated with communication, information and marketing -- that competent people can use to collaborate with others a half a world away.

But the point here is that Latinos need to be focused on getting the education necessary to compete in this "flat" world -- a world in which people sell, buy, market, and collaborate horizontally rather than vertically. You don't have to ask permission of a supervisor to launch a T-shirt business that markets cool shirts in Spanish, Dutch, English and French -- but you do have to know how to build a Web site, how to install and operate the various software and hardware applications. This is where Latinos come in, Sullivan explains. And where Latinos are concerned the community college is in many respects the key to financial success in this new global marketplace (Sullivan, 2007, p. 398). Sullivan's article (written in 2007) uses some convincing data on the growth of the Latino community in the U.S. As emphasis for her thesis. For example, Latinos accounted for nearly half of the population growth in the U.S. from 2004 to 2005 -- a total of 1.3 million Latinos were added to the population, according to Sullivan (p. 399).

Also, the average age of the general population in the U.S. is 36.2 years of age but the average age of the Latino is must 27.2 years of age; moreover, almost a third of the Latino population is under 18 years of age while only a quarter of the general population is under 18. In 26 of the 50 states Latinos are the largest minority group and as to buying power, Sullivan references a story in Business Week that puts Latino buying power at $860 billion in 2007, "more than any other minority group" (Sullivan, 2007, p. 399). Add to that some serious bias against the Latino community (Sullivan points to 18 states that have passed "English-only" laws), and the reader gets the point that there are serious economic and social challenges facing the Latino community.

The bottom line here is simple: higher education is an absolute imperative if the Latino population intends to become part of the new global economy. "Individuals have to think globally to thrive, or at lease survive," Friedman explains (p. 276). The author goes on to assert that the individual who expects to excel in this economy -- rather than quit school and get a job bussing tables or washing cars at the local car wash -- must get an education and have a "certain mental flexibility, self-motivation, and psychological mobility" (p. 276).

The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) in Washington lists 50 "hot" careers for people to think about pursuing. Of those 50, only 8 are careers for which a high school diploma is acceptable. Eight out of fifty is a paltry number, and should give pause to any intelligent, ambitious young Latino looking for the "good life" in the U.S. And for the other 42 "hot" careers, some college is required; for 33 of those 50 careers a diploma from a 4-year degree is necessary. The BLS also projects the ten fastest occupations -- and seven of those are in the healthcare field while three are in the information technology sector (requiring knowledge of the Internet and applications associated with gathering and sharing information and communication) (Sullivan, 2007, p. 400). Of those ten occupations, two require a community college degree and four others require a bachelor's degree.

All this is relevant when it comes to urging young Latinos to attend college, but the reality is that only 52% of Latinos finish high school, Sullivan writes, while 72% of African-Americans complete high school and 84% of Caucasians do so (p. 401). Moreover, the grim news is that according to the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), Latinos who do complete high school are at "a disadvantage" because their skills in math and reading "were comparable to those of White middle school children" (Sullivan, 2007, p. 401). For the Latino who completes high school, only 27% go on to college right after high school (compared with 49% of Caucasians); and about 10% of Latinos attend college within a year or two after high school (Sullivan, 2007, p. 401).

Sullivan (p. 402) lists the reasons for low achievement rates for Latinos (along with lower college attendance statistics): a) poor preparation for academics; b) attending under-funded urban schools; c) poverty; d) lack of financial aid grants (rather than loans); e) "lack of social capital on the part of parents and students"; f) delays in entering college; g) duties to family and job that require remaining in a stale situation; h) single parent status; i) being unwilling or unable to travel to "distant colleges"; and j) part-time attendance.

The author goes on to explain (p. 404) that if a person has more than one of these factors, they land in a "high risk" and "less likely to succeed" list. Also, when many Latinos do get to college they "…may be counseled into less rigorous occupational programs" that pull them away from the very training and competencies in science, math, and technologies that Freidman alluded to in his book (Sullivan, 2007, p. 405). The data from 2004, referenced by Sullivan on page 406, shows that among those Latinos enrolled in colleges at any level, 31% were majoring in Humanities and Social Sciences; 20% were majoring in Business; 17% major in Sciences, Mathematics, Engineering or Computer Technologies; 16% in health sciences; and 16% in Vocational or Technical curriculums.

On page 407 Sullivan references a survey in 2004 that indicated 66% of Caucasian students, 71% of African-American students, and 56% of Asian-American students stated they considered financial aid "important to their choice of which college to attend." For Latinos, 84% said they considered financial aid "very important" to their choice of a college to attend. The problem is that Caucasians and Asians took better advantage of financial aid opportunities because apparently Latino students did not have the necessary information to gauge the true academic value of "more prestigious institutions" (Sullivan, 2007, p. 407).

The long-term benefits of receiving financial aid are not as apparent to Latinos, Sullivan asserts, as Latino families tend to look at modest costs associated with community colleges and ignore the greater long-term career benefits of attending more respected and prestigious universities and colleges (p. 407). On page 407 the three main reasons that Latino students are missing out on some of the academic and career opportunities available to them: a) they tend to be less academically prepared; b) in terms of making good choices vis-a-vis colleges and universities, parental support and parental knowledge of the educational milieu is lacking; and c) Latinos are in many instances unprepared to put the money together to fund their education (hence, keeping a job and attending college part time is the strategy of choice for many).

That having been said, Sullivan concludes (p. 419) her scholarly piece by affirming that "Latinos are determined, resilient, adaptable, networked and eager to learn." Also, because Latinos share "traditional American values of family, education, and a strong work ethic," they will succeed if they embrace available opportunities -- and community colleges head the list of available opportunities in all fifty states (Sullivan, 2007, p. 419).

Critical Mass: Latinos and Community Colleges

An article in the journal Research in Higher Education (Hagedorn, et al., 2007, p. 73) gives particular emphasis to the role of Latinos in California's 109 community colleges. In fact 29% of all Latinos attending a higher education institution at some level in the U.S. are enrolled in one of California's community colleges. About half (42.9%) of all students enrolled in the Los Angeles Community College District are of Latino heritage (Hagedorn, 2007, p. 75). The authors use the concept of "critical mass" as a strategy to evaluate the comfort level that Latinos feel when attending a community college.

The phrase "critical mass" -- which technically means the amount of substance necessary for any reaction to begin -- is used in education, Hagedorn writes (p. 74), to indicate "…a level of representation that brings comfort or familiarity" in the educational environment. Critical Mass is referred to often as the "staying environment" for students in a campus environment, Hagedorn writes (p. 74). In other words, when a particular minority (Latinos, for example) feels that they are socially excluded because they do not have enough members of their ethnicity to reach critical mass, "…a lack of sensitivity and understanding may result due to a dearth of comfort and minority role models" (Hagedorn, 2007, p. 74). When a "marginalized group" (think Latinos) approached a critical mass at an educational institution, "the dynamics between the minority and majority group changes," Hagedorn continues on page 74.

Meanwhile, Hagedorn's research data -- complied using a 47-item questionnaire designed for Latino community college students in urban environments whose English is a second language -- results from the participation of 5,011 students in 241 classrooms on 9 campuses of the Los Angeles Community College District. The level of Latino student critical mass was found in the research "…to have a positive relationship with student success" regarding enrollment in "transfer" or "non-remedial courses"; however there was a negative relationship when the student was enrolled in "remedial" or "pre-collegiate English and Math courses," Hagedorn continues (p. 88).

Moreover, the GPAs and general levels of success were "significantly higher" when the student was in a "high" critical mass situation or even a "Moderate" critical mass environment, Hagedorn explained. In other words, when there were a sufficient number of other Latinos on campus, Latino students gained more and got better grades. Also, when Latino faculty were well represented on campus, that fact also had a "significant impact on Latino student success," Hagedorn's research revealed (p. 89). When numbers of Latino students and faculty increase to a critical mass, "academic success increases as well" (Hagedorn, 2007, p. 89).

Having linked Latino critical mass to academic success rates, Hagedorn cautions however that Latino students should not necessarily be pointed exclusively in the direction of campuses with high numbers of Latinos. What the author does suggest, however, is that community colleges should go into high schools and recruit Latinos, which in the end may help certain colleges to achieve that pivotal critical mass of Latino students.

Transferring from Community College to University: Latino Issues

It is certainly true and has been well-documented in this research that Latinos prefer community colleges, and that indeed community colleges have a lot to offer Latino students. However, when it comes to transferring from the community college to a four-year institution, few move on, according to Patricia a. Perez and Miguel Ceja in the Journal of Hispanic Higher Education (Perez, et al., 2010, p. 6). Perez (who uses "Latina/o" to include both genders, but for the purposes of this research "Latino" means both male and female) provides research (from the California Postsecondary Education Commission study) that documented the movements of community college students for six years. The data showed that although most Latinos announce their plans to go on to a four-year school after receiving the Associate Degree from a community college, only 17% of Latinas in this study actually did transfer to a four-year school.

The same study showed that 31% of the Caucasian students -- and 39% of Asian students -- did indeed transfer to a four-year school following the completion of their two-year college experiences. When it comes to completing the community college degree -- let alone moving on to a four-year school -- for Latinos in California a six-year study reveals that 48% did not complete the two-year degree. The data from Texas is even more troubling: of those Latinos enrolled in 12 units or more, 60% left their Texas community college without receiving an associate degree (Perez, 2010, p. 9).

This paper has previously noted the reasons why Latino students are more likely to either delay their enrollment in a community college, or to only take part time classes while working to support their families (or their own independent lifestyle). The Perez research shows that "…the current transfer culture is failing Latino students, many of whom enter the community college with a goal of earning a 4-year college degree" (p. 9). The authors go to great lengths to emphasize that even though a Latino graduates with a bachelor's degree, he is not going to earn as much as a Caucasian with the same degree. In fact the median income gap between a Caucasian adult with a bachelor's degree and a minority with the same degree is $13,000 (Perez referencing Shulock (2007) (p. 10). Hence, because of the rapid growth of the Latino population in states like California, there is the risk, Perez writes, "…of having their state income fall below the national average in the near future" (p. 10).

Perez presents what she calls a "Latino/a Transfer Culture" -- suggestions and programs that will more fully address the "developmental needs of Latino students" (p. 14). Research indicates that when students enroll in a developmental education course during their freshman year, are "more likely to succeed and persist than other students," Perez asserts (p. 14). Hence, it is interesting that Latino students who did participate in developmental programs as freshmen -- including orientation classes that open the eyes of students as to what they can expect to come up against in their college careers -- had an overall 6-year completion rate of 24% compared with a 17% completion rate for Latino students who never participated in developmental courses (Perez, 2010, p. 14).

The bottom line for Perez is that community colleges that have established "transfer policies" (that is, providing support services for minorities and others who may otherwise not transfer to a four-year school) provide a good boost to Latino students. On average, Latino students have a 20% lower odds of transferring to a four-year college across the national educational milieu; however, with a transfer policy in place, those Latinos have a 78% higher odds of transferring to a four-year school (Perez, 2010, p. 16).

Among Perez' recommendations: a) partnerships should be established that connect middle schools with high schools, and high schools with colleges and universities, "to begin preparing Latino students early for college"; b) college outreach programs should be more culturally responsive to the needs of the Latino community they serve; c) colleges and universities need to set priorities in terms of helping Latino students make the decisions that pave the way for smooth transition to college after community college; and d) faculty at high schools, colleges and universities -- and staff -- should "reflect" the Latino population, given that role models and mentors that mirror students' cultural experiences are more helpful in the long run than a mostly Caucasian faculty and staff.

The Economic Value of an Associate Degree

Can an associate degree alone really help a Latino student progress up the ladder into management? According to data presented by Jorge Chapa and Werner Schink (in the journal New Directions for Community Colleges), only 11% of Latinos (25-35) who graduated from High School held managerial or professional positions in California. However, add an associate degree to a Latino's resume and the chances for advancement rise considerably. To wit, 33.4% of Latinos who achieved an associate degree held a managerial or professional position in California (Chapa, 2006, p. 48). Going farther into advanced education, Perez' research shows that 62% of Latinos with bachelor's degrees were in managerial or professional positions; that number is close to the percentage of Caucasians with bachelor's degrees in managerial positions (64.7%) and close to the percentage of African-Americans in the same context (60.1%).

Conclusion

The data showing that Latinos are the fastest growing culture -- not just as recent immigrants but as an ethnic group of citizens from many Latin countries, many of whom have been in the U.S. For generations -- is well-documented. Also, the struggles that Latino students have in completing their college degrees has been fully explored and presented in this paper. But there are signs that institutions of higher learning are making attempts to bring more Latino students into their colleges and universities, and to provide those students with the support and the tools they need to succeed. It is clear that unless the fast-growing Latino community has access to higher education -- and makes the best use of those opportunities -- the national economy will suffer. And so all effective, respected national and state advocacy organizations, along with high schools, colleges and universities, should join hands be part of the solution.