Poverty reduction, social Darwinism, and the Progressive Era's reform movements

Minimizing Poverty Is a Government Initiative

The Progressive Era

Poverty reduction has remained a central debate in periodical democratic societies. Schemes have been established to enable citizens to be economically viable either at paid-employment or self-employment level. Activists, philosophers, and politicians have suggested technical, liberal, and legal approaches towards poverty eradication. In fact, most of the debate in relation to the field of poverty examines whether poverty is a natural phenomenon associated with human beings. As this report will identify, fighting poverty is a double-edged sword since, after all, poverty is not the only member of the league. Close players include capitalism and politics. The commencing research proves that reducing poverty is a sequential process that requires considerate participation from all stakeholders. The research will principally cite Darwin's Social Darwinism theory, the 1933-1936 national initiative New Deal and Johnson Lyndon Economic Opportunity Act.

Social Darwinism vs. Progressivism

Introduction

There are close similarities between Darwin's Social Darwinism theory and opinion held by progressive Era thinkers. Darwin's social Darwinism theory specifies natural selections based on survival of the fittest while ideologies of the Progressive Era advocated perfect competition. However, as this report will identify, there are stretching differences between the two concepts. During the fifties and sixties, businesses sought to avoid stringent reforms and most of these were entrenched in federal laws. The commencing section will examine in detail the theory of social Darwinism and how it is related to Charity Organizational Society (COS) settlement movement. The section will also clarify the contrast between Progressive Era and Social Darwinism.

Social Darwinism and how it related to the COS and Settlement House Movements.

Social Darwinism is a theory, which originated from the industrializing England and United States. The theory sought to apply biological arithmetic to explain individual efforts, and general contribution in an industrial setting. Claeys (2000, pp, 223) argued that the Social Darwinism theory is based on a stereotype that the rich become stronger, and their wealth expands naturally compared to the poor. Whereas, the economically challenged get weaker since they do not have any economic resource to plough back to the business. Many theories have been pegged from Social Darwinism. Common of these theories are Laissez Fair, capitalism, racism, eugenics, fascism and imperialism (Davies, 1992, pp. 205). Contemporary philosophers constantly pegged the concept of the biology to sheer naturalistic fallacy; however, the concept does not change significantly.

On the other hand, COS and Settlement House Movements approaches to public administration began gaining influence as early as 1869 in England. The initial goal of the disbursement was to provide outdoor relief to the elderly and physically challenged. However, the ideology spread to cater for people who were economically challenged. It should be recalled that during the inception of this idea, Britain has slowly defeated Agrarian ideologies (Jansson, 2009, p.17).

Relationship

Philosophers affiliated to either of the two ideologies will naturally argue that man struggles for his personal comfort. Comfort remains an integral concern to every human being and means of achieving it are unlimited. In this light, philosophers began noticing that the COS movement embraced Social Darwinism as its theoretical underpinning of either helping or not helping the poor. Leonard (2009, pp. 39) argues that, one will notice the concept of the scientific charity as applied to reach out to the public. The central goal of COS is to improvise self-support through proper investigation and determination of worthiness.

Alternatively, the settlement house movement specified a set of principles to be followed. Clients of settlement houses were viewed and understood differently as normal individuals. Efforts were made to separate the worthy poor or unworthy poor, and this emphasized in providing communal services and community development initiatives. However, in relation to Social Darwinism theory, it is notable that settlement house movement embraced a philosophy that combined individual achievement with satisfying social relations and social responsibility. Part of the central goals of settlement mission is providing a desirable reform. Additionally, the COS and the settlement house movement introduced a social reform ideology, one that fostered a forerunner to clinical social work (Davies, 1992, pp. 205). The program trained family and individuals to apply scientific methods to determine the necessity of training.

In an argument, the rationality of Social Darwinism specifies that competition is paramount for every society. Competition in this case is based on the aggregate performance of each. This research introduced the comparative of desirable and ruthlessness. Social Darwinist approaches were highly blamed for the heightened occurrence of World War II. In fact, debates of survival by then suppressed debates of self-improvement. The economically disadvantaged were staged on the stereotypical debates of capitalism (Marciano and Koppl, 2009, pp. 3). Thus, the focus was directed on the aspect of social harm that capitalist ideologies grounded men.

Hence, in summary, it is positive to note that charity organization emphasized on individual strength as a power to rejuvenate oneself from chains of economic bondage. There is a need to empower the economically challenged as this provides a wider framework of enriching all individuals collectively. A better performing society is explained as that one not affiliated to poverty. As a matter of reference, one will notice these differences between first world countries and third world countries. While Darwinian theories provide a better and logic approach towards tackling poverty, societies should provide easier environments for all people to compete equally (Jansson, 2009, p.160).

Lyndon's war on poverty

On January 8, 1964, a Democrat by the name of Johnson, Lyndon B. presented a controversial poverty reduction program debuted Economic Opportunity Act. The act saw the establishment of the Office of Economic Opportunity entitled to administer the local application of federal funds targeted towards poverty reduction. Lyndon contribution oversaw the introduction of several bills, which part of them included Social Security Act (1965), Food Stamp Act (1964), and Elementary and Secondary Education Act (1965). The acts were structurally engineered to minimize the get-away urban poverty

As stated earlier in this research, the progressive vision specified requirements, which were to be achieved, and parts of them were instrumental in minimizing poverty. I agree with this fulfillment ideology since, by that time, the U.S. needed a relaxation policy one that would reduce social inequality. Poverty in particular was a serious problem facing Americans by that time. Poverty can be defined either as relative or absolute. As absolute, poverty is calculated as the cost of a fixed bundle of good like clothing, food, or shelter. Lyndon was interested in eradicating this kind of poverty. According to Lyndon, the relative approach assigns poverty as a primary cause of disagreements in the general society (Jansson, 2009, p.139).

New Deal

Conversely, the New deal comprised a series of program enacted between 1933 and 1936 under the stewardship of Franklin D. Roosevelt. The New Deal responded to economic upheavals instigated by the aftermath of 1929 the Economic depression. The policy was comprised of technical and liberal ideas of the White South and traditional Democrats, corporate machines, empowered labor unions and ethnic minorities. Westhoff (2013, pp. 1543) argues that there was heated debate on the strategy of the New Deal with rivaling camps arguing that it is necessary if stakeholders participated comprehensively in unfolding of the deal. Roosevelt's New Deal combined by the 1941 four freedoms grounded the development of Lyndon ideologies. The commencing part will unfold the similarities and differences between the New Deal and Lyndon War on Poverty (Hausman, 2007, pp. 459)

Similarities

Both the New Deal and Lyndon War on Poverty declared fighting poverty a national agenda. Secondly, both initiatives started programs, which provided people with jobs both at the national or state levels. Part of these programs was infrastructure, education, or health programs. The New Deal and Lyndon War provided self-help and community based initiatives fostered in raising commitment of the government towards poverty eradication plans (Leonard, 2009, pp. 37). Thirdly, government spending was to be channeled towards domestic initiatives and not an ever-demanding foreign policy. In both initiatives, the progressive taxing mechanism was adopted since it proved lucrative to singular out war on poverty (Jansson, 2009, p.258)..

Both the New Deal and the Lyndon's war on poverty addressed the consequences of poverty. As a result, the two programs attempted to absorb citizens with inadequate skills to the productive economy. For reference, the New Deal adopted an ambitious program debuted Social Security Act of 1935. The act was principally responsible for the development of the insurance laws. However, due to war, these programs were woefully underfunded and, therefore, almost worthless. The New Deal established a permanent program or universal retirement pensions. The cover was spread to cover economically and physically challenged member of the society.

Similarly, Lyndon war on poverty established an office of economic opportunities with intent to expand self-reliance of the local community. The office has been traditionally accredited with the multiple introductions and enactment of a homelessness prevention program. In fact, over 70,000 low-income Vermonters have benefitted from the program. Therefore, in summary, the two programs guaranteed citizens an annual income and strengthened the rights of labor union, penalized businesses for not honoring economic labor stipulations.

Differences

Whereas the New Deal was a result of the 1929 economic depression, the Lyndon war on poverty program was a result of the general economic conditions affecting Americans by that time. Secondly, the New Deal was a national initiative sponsored by the state, whilst a democrat individual sponsored the Lyndon war on poverty program. Thirdly, the New deal never directed its arsenal on a particular economic stakeholder. Efforts were centered in minimizing deficits, banking reforms and trade liberalization (Johnston, 2013, pp. 349). These initiatives appeared lucrative for the government of the day and for this reason the New Deal gained national influence. Whereas the Lyndon war on poverty directed its arsenal against the corporate sectors, which was understood as championing runaway poverty.

Nelson (2001, pp. 367) argues that although the two initiatives expanded government spending and more decisively introduced progressive taxes, it should be noted that the two approaches provided a blanket cover was different. In particular, the new deal expanded farm and rural programs agricultural initiatives whereas the Lyndon war on poverty extended concern to the corporate involvement in fighting / reducing poverty (Jansson, 2009, p.261).

Thirdly, the New Deal did not attract vicious politics surrounding it, and in fact, the program was seen the uniting agenda that would reduce development differences. Part of this setting introduced the Blue Eagle campaign that enrolled excessive competition and technical progress which led to the overproduction and lowered wages and prices. Economic policies promoted an anti-deflationary scheme that would permit trade association to cooperate a government-instigated campaign (Johnston, 2013, pp. 348). Antitrust laws were empowered from by all political groupings. Congress further specified stimulus funds for the WPA to spend and raise prices and bargaining power of the union. The only belligerent camps were organized economic formulators who argued that the government was not aiding businesses enough.

However, the Lyndon war on poverty attracted serious political factions. The loyalty of many democrats was centered on the future of the business community. Lyndon's program was attacked by several politics. It is has been noted that the Lyndon policies had negative impacts to the economy. Creating a hostile business environment would naturally reduce overall investment and inversely instigate unemployment and spiraling poverty. Additionally, later regimes; for instance, the Reagan administration criticized Lyndon's approach as impractical. A coherent government should not minimize poverty by spending, but by cutting spending.

Furthermore, the nature of politics surrounding Lyndon program were both based on intra and inter-party politics. For instance, the intense effort to pass the economic opportunity bill grew catastrophic. Some members of the democrat threatened to decamp' Lyndon camp. It took the president attempt to cajole, lobby the congress towards the maturity of this bill (Johnston, 2013). The animosity was primarily responsible in conditioning a tense emotional and loyalty test period. Finally, whereas the New Deal has much documented work, which can be referenced to date, Lyndon left a limited archive and to this constrained the editions of the bill properly. Most of the Lyndon works are perhaps formal letter or minutes of proceedings (Jansson, 2009, p.158).

Opinion

It should be noted that the Lyndon program was based from the specification of the New Deal. The New Deal failed to reach maturity since global politics attacked its development. During that intense period, the government focused its efforts in attending to the demands of the war and presiding over a domestic policy was not paramount as compared to state security. For the new deal, global politics did not directly affect its development. Lyndon based this policy on the New Deal since he believed that the government strategy to eradicate poverty was centered in limiting the un-productive parts of the policy. However, war, courtesy of the cold war and Vietnam War accentuated the overall constructive contribution to providing a reliable policy agenda. Most of the laws developed in favor of the New Deal or Lyndon's poverty reduction approach have been implemented up-to-date. The few underperforming laws have been replaced, or editions have been supplied to provide a remedy. On overall, both the New Deal and Lyndon were vital for the 20th century economic development.

Conclusion

The report has clarified that empowering citizens present a broad measure in reducing poverty. The report has challenged Darwin's Social Darwinism theory of poverty and presented ideas engineered by a civil society by Progressive Era, New Deal, and Lyndon to coin the topic. An economically empowered community provides a better approach towards minimizing poverty than a community, which is not empowered. Hence, in reducing poverty it is necessary for the government to integrate the arsenal. This approach will minimize social disparities and enable the smooth operation of other sections of all economic and social stakeholders.